CONTENTS -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1. Theoretical Preliminaries -- 1.1.1. The Modular Conception of Grammar -- 1.1.2. Levels and Components -- 1.1.3. Subsystems of Principles -- 1.1.4. The Categorial Component -- 1.2. Case Theory -- 1.2.1. Principles of Abstract Case -- 1.2.2. Case Assignment -- 2. Matrices, Indices, and Morphosyntactic Features -- 2.1. A Model of Morphological Case -- 2.1.1. Case Submatrices -- 2.1.2. Coindexation -- 2.1.3. Phase Structural Case -- 2.2. Russian Case Features -- 2.2.1. Excursus on Jakobson's Features -- 2.2.2. Revising Jakobson's System -- 3. Across-the-Board Dependencies -- 3.1. Case-Matching -- 3.2. Parallelism in Prominence -- 3.2.1. The Nature of the Parallelism -- 3.2.2. The Scope of Prominence Effects -- 3.2.3. Some Possible Extensions -- 3.3. The Parasitic Gap Analysis -- 3.3.1. Similarities -- 3.3.2. Differences -- 3.4. Conclusion -- 4. Quantified Structures: Russian versus Serbo-Croatian -- 4.1. Case Properties of Numeral Phrases -- 4.1.1. Babby's Analysis of Russian -- 4.1.2. Extending the Analysis: Gen(Q) Is Inherent in Serbo-Croatian -- 4.1.3. Characterizing the Structural/Inherent Dichotomy -- 4.2. The Category of Numeral Phrases -- 4.2.1. Pesetsky's Analysis of Russian -- 4.2.2. Extending the Analysis: Serbo-Croatian Numeral Phrases Are NPs -- 4.2.3. Some Semantic Issues -- 4.3. The Distribution of Numeral Phrases -- 4.3.1. The Internal Subject Hypothesis -- 4.3.2. The NP/QP Dichotomy Revisited -- 5. Quantified Structures: Polish and Other Puzzles -- 5.1. West Slavic and the Accusative Restriction -- 5.1.1. Polish Numeral Phrases -- 5.1.2. Numeral Phrases in Other Languages -- 5.2. More Quantified Expressions -- 5.2.1. Distributive Po-Phrases and the Structure of DP -- 5.2.2. Approximative Inversion -- 5.2.3. Frozen Quantifiers -- 5.3. Bare Genitives -- 5.3.1. Empty Quantifier Structures.

5.3.2. The Genitive of Negation -- 6. Secondary Predication -- 6.1. Predicate Adjectives -- 6.1.1. Three Types of Predicate Adjective -- 6.1.2. On Agreement -- 6.1.3. Clausal Functional Projections -- 6.2. Secondary Predication and Control -- 6.2.1. Case Transmission -- 6.2.2. Factors Blocking Case Transmission -- 6.2.3. Control Theory and Agreement -- 6.3. The Second Dative -- 6.3.1. The Agreement Analysis -- 6.3.2. A Phrase Structural Analysis -- 6.3.3. Gerunds and Participles -- 6.4. Parametric Variation -- 6.4.1. Non-Agreeing Semipredicatives -- 6.4.2. Dative Subjects -- 6.4.3. Secondary Predication in Polish -- 7. Null Subject Phenomena -- 7.1. The "Pro-Drop" Parameter -- 7.1.1. Types of Null Subjects -- 7.1.2. Parametric Approaches -- 7.1.3. Summary of Slavic Facts -- 7.1.4. Two Sides of Visibility -- 7.2. Null Thematic Subjects -- 7.2.1. Case and Agreement -- 7.2.2. Ellipsis -- 7.2.3. Why Russian Is Different -- 7.3. Expletives and Visibility -- 7.3.1. Null Expletives Do Not Need Case -- 7.3.2. Overt Expletives Need Case at S-Structure -- 7.3.3. Different Kinds of Null Expletives -- 7.4. Overt Expletives in Slavic -- 7.4.1. Russian -- 7.4.2. South and West Slavic -- 7.5. Conclusion: Arbitrary Third Plural Subjects -- 8. Voice Alternations -- 8.1. Voice -- 8.1.1. Predicate-Argument Structure -- 8.1.2. Standard Passive Constructions -- 8.2. Null Subjects and Passive -- 8.2.1. Si-Constructions in Italian -- 8.2.2. Some Slavic Variations -- 8.3. Passive Morphology, Case, and Theta-Theory -- 8.3.1. Expletive Subjects and Passive -- 8.3.2. Case Absorption Issues -- 8.3.3. Theta-Theoretic Issues -- 8.3.4. Phrase Structure Issues -- 8.4. Epilogue: The Dispositional Reflexive Construction -- 9. Summary and Conclusions -- REFERENCES -- NAME INDEX -- A -- B -- C -- D -- F -- G -- H -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- Y.

Z -- SUBJECT INDEX -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- Q -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- X.