Contents -- Chapter One: Introduction and Theoretical Assumptions -- 1.1 The Issues -- 1.2 The Minimalist Framework -- 1.2.1 The Computational Component -- 1.2.2 Phrase Structure Theory -- 1.2.3 θ -theory -- 1.2.4 Movement and Checking Theory -- 1.2.5 Word Order and the LCA -- 1.3 Outline of the Book -- 1.4 The Limits of Unification -- Chapter Two: Verb Raising and Null Complementizers -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Null Complementizers as Null Affixes -- 2.2.1 A Condition on Null Affixes -- 2.2.2 Null Complementizers as Null Affixes -- 2.2.3 Some Notes on Overt Complementizers -- 2.3 Null Complementizers in Finite Clausal Complements -- 2.3.1 Overt Verb Raising and Null Complementizers -- 2.3.2 Tell-class Verbs and Suggest-class Verbs -- 2.4 Further Cross-linguistic Data -- 2.4.1 Chinese -- 2.4.2 Romance Languages -- 2.4.3 Germanic Languages -- 2.4.4 Japanese -- 2.4.5 Celtic Languages -- 2.4.6 Arabic Languages -- 2.4.7 Modern Greek: A Balkan Language -- 2.4.8 Hungarian: A Finno-Ugric Language -- 2.4.9 Edo: A Nigerian Language -- 2.4.10 A Summary -- 2.5 Null Cs in the Complement of Derived Nominals: A Sketch -- 2.6 Null Cs in ECM and Control Complements -- 2.7 Wh-Movement and Null Cs -- 2.7.1 Null Cs in Interrogative Clauses -- 2.7.2 Null Cs in the Complement of Tough Adjectives -- 2.7.3 Wh-Movement through [Spec, C] and Null Cs -- 2.7.4 Interrogative Clauses in Complement Positions -- 2.7.5 Deriving Cheng's (1991) Generalization -- 2.7.6 Null Cs in the Root Clauses -- 2.7.7 Null Cs in Relative Clauses -- 2.7.8 A Summary -- 2.8 Null Complementizers in Raising Complements -- 2.8.1 The CP-Status of Raising Complements -- 2.8.2 NP-movement through [Spec, C] -- 2.8.3 The Complement of Allege-class Verbs -- 2.9 Some Loose Ends -- 2.9.1 Placement of Modifiers -- 2.9.2 No Null Cs in Factive Complements -- 2.9.3 Null Cs in Subjunctive Complements.

2.9.4 Some Comments on the "IP Hypothesis" of That-less Clauses -- 2.10 Conclusion -- Chapter Three: Derived Nominals and Their Satellites -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 Null Cs in the Complement of Nominals -- 3.2.1 Null Cs in the Complement of Derived Nominals -- 3.2.2 CPs in Apposition to Nonderived Nominals and Their LF Movement -- 3.3 N Is a Structural Case Marker -- 3.4 Syntactic Nominalization: Evidence from Various Causative Constructions -- 3.4.1 Backward Binding in Clauses and Lack of Causative Nominals -- 3.4.2 The Double Object Construction and Lack of Ditransitive Nominals -- 3.4.3 Causative/Inchoative Alternation -- 3.4.4 Speech Act Verbs -- 3.4.5 A Summary -- 3.5 Nz Is the Nominal Counterpart of the Light Verb -- 3.5.1 Be and Have Cannot Be Nominalized -- 3.5.2 Neither the Light Verb nor the Nominalizer Can Select PP -- 3.5.3 Morphological Realizations of Verbalizers and Nominalizers -- 3.6 Verbs, Derived Nominals, and Nonderived Nominals -- 3.6.1 Diagnostics for Distinguishing Three Types of Derived Nominals -- 3.6.2 Parallelisms between Simple Event Nominals and Middle Verbs -- 3.6.3 The Derivation of Result Nominals -- 3.6.4 Sentential Complements to Nouns -- 3.6.5 The Derivation of Verbal Gerunds -- 3.6.6 A Summary -- 3.7 Conclusion -- Chapter Four: The Komplementizer in Noun Phrases -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 The KP Hypothesis -- 4.2.1 A' -movement in NP and Case Alternation in Hungarian -- 4.2.2 The Co-occurrence of Determiners and Possessors -- 4.2.3 Pronominal Shift -- 4.2.4 Distribution of Phi-features -- 4.2.5 Case Particles -- 4.2.6 A Summary -- 4.3 The Case Adjacency Effects -- 4.3.1 Johnson (1991) -- 4.3.2 Problems with Johnson's Analysis -- 4.3.3 Koizumi (1993 -- 1995) -- 4.3.4 Potential Problems with Koizumi's Analysis -- 4.3.5 Chomsky (1995) -- 4.3.6 Potential Problems with Chomsky's Analysis -- 4.3.7 A Final Remark.

4.3.8 A Morphological Approach to the Case Adjacency Problems -- 4.4 Concluding Remarks -- Chapter Five: Conclusion -- References -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- Q -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- X -- Y -- Z.