Grammatical Change and Linguistic Theory -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- Introduction -- Background -- Theoretical and empirical perspectives on grammaticalization -- Case studies on grammaticalization: syntax, morphosyntax, semantics, and pragmatics -- Syntactic change: exogenous, endogenous - and the type that never happened -- Morphological change 'by itself' -- References -- Chapter 1. Grammaticalization in a speaker-oriented theory of change -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Grammaticalization and other macro-changes -- 2.1 The whole-language view -- 2.2 The subsystem view -- 2.3 The single element view -- 2.3.1 The focus on changing expressions -- 2.3.1.1 The vocative in Russian. -- 2.3.1.2 Definiteness in East Slavic. -- 2.3.1.3 In Romance -- 2.3.2 The alternative focus in the single element -- 2.3.3 Grammaticalization -- 2.3.3.1 Lexical word -- 2.3.3.2 '[T]he grammaticalization of linguistic expressions -- 3. Types of grammatical change -- 3.1 Type and token -- 3.1.1 Partial Gzn chains -- 3.1.2 Incomplete Gzn chains -- 3.1.3 Partial Gzn chains -- 3.1.4 Content, expression and syntax -- 3.1.5 Paradigm -- 3.1.6 The triple grammation, regrammation, degrammation -- 3.2 Content changes -- 3.2.1 Grammation -- 3.2.1.1 Grammation. Lexical -- 3.2.1.2 Grammation from below -- 3.2.2 Regrammation -- 3.2.2.1 Regrammation. Collective -- 3.2.2.2 Regrammation. Genitive case -- 3.2.2.3 Regrammation. Present perfect -- 3.2.3 Degrammation -- 3.2.3.1 Degrammation. Modal verb -- 3.2.3.2 Degrammation. Auxiliary > participant marker -- 3.2.3.3 Degrammation. Auxiliary > personal pronoun. -- 3.2.3.4 Degrammation. Case form > stem allomorph -- 3.3 Content-syntactic changes -- 3.3.1 Content-syntactic upgrading -- 3.3.2 Content-syntactic downgrading -- 3.3.3 Content-syntactic permutation -- 3.4 Expression changes.

3.4.1 Expression reduction -- 3.4.1.1 Syntagmatic reduction. English -- 3.4..1.2 Syntagmatic reduction. Polish -- 3.4.1.3 Pragmatically conditioned reduction. Russian -- 3.4.1.4 Paradigmatic reduction. Russian -- 3.4.2 Expression elaboration -- 3.4.2.1 Expression elaboration. Shorter > longer allomorphs -- 3.4.2.2 Expression elaboration. Zero > overt allomorph -- 3.4.3 Expression substitution -- 3.4.4 Expression doubling -- 3.4.4.1 Expression doubling. Prepositional concord -- 3.4.4.2 Expression doubling. Auxiliary -- 3.4.4.3 Expression doubling. Inflected complementizers -- 3.5 Morphosyntactic change -- 3.5.1 Bond strengthening (integration) -- 3.5.1.1 Integration. Word > proclitic -- 3.5.1.2 Integration. Word > inflected enclitic -- 3.5.2 Bond weakening (emancipation) -- 3.5.2.1 Emancipation. Affix > clitic. Russian -- 3.5.2.2 Emancipation. Affix > word. American English -- 3.5.2.3 Emancipation. Word > compound. English -- 3.5.2.4 Emancipation. Compound > phrase. English -- 3.5.2.5 Emancipation -- 3.5.3 Grammatical indexes -- 3.5.3.1 Index grammation from above -- 3.5.3.2 Index grammation from below -- 3.5.4 Changes in element order -- 3.5.4.1 Split infinitives -- 3.5.4.2 Proclitic 'climbing' -- 3.5.4.3 Enclitic > proclitic -- 3.6 Conclusion -- 4. Types of innovation -- 4.1 The four basic types -- 4.1.1 Neologism -- 4.1.2 Extension -- 4.1.3 Adoption -- 4.1.4 Reanalysis -- 4.2 The four contact types -- 4.2.1 Borrowings -- 4.2.2 Intrusions -- 4.2.3 Contact adoption -- 4.2.4 Bilingual reanalysis -- 4.3 Conclusion -- 5. Reanalysis as a source of innovation -- 5.1 M-ness in actualization -- 5.1.1 The nature of m-ness -- 5.1.2 M-ness agreement -- 5.2 M-ness in reanalysis -- 5.3 Iconicity in reanalysis -- 5.3.1 System-specific iconicity: segment count as a diagram of grammatical number -- 5.3.2 Type-motivated iconicity: the preference for agglutination 1.

5.3.3 Type-motivated iconicity: the preference for agglutination 2 -- 5.3.4 Universals of iconicity -- 5.3.5 Summary -- 6. Conclusion -- Acknowledgements -- References -- Chapter 2. 'Degrammaticalization' versus typology -- Reflections on a strained relationship -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Eight alleged cases of 'attested antigrammaticalization [degrammaticalization]' (according to Haspelmath 2004) -- 2.1 English and Mainland Scandinavian genitive suffix -s > clitic =s -- 2.2 Irish 1st person plural subject suffix -mid/-muid > independent pronoun muid -- 2.3 Japanese adverbial subordinator -ga 'although' > free linker ga 'but -- 2.4 Saame abessive suffix *-ptaken > clitic taga > free postposition taga in the Enontekiö dialect of Northern Saame -- 2.5 Estonian question marker -s > clitic =es > free particle es -- 2.6 English infinitive prefix to > proclitic to -- 2.7 Modern Greek prefix ksana- 'again' > free adverb ksana 'again -- 2.8 Latin rigid prefix re- 'again' > Italian flexible prefix ri (e.g., ridevo fare 'I must do again' [sic]) -- 3. Summary -- Acknowledgements -- References -- Chapter 3. Cascading parameter changes -- Internally-driven change in Middle and Early Modern English -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Theoretical background: Agree, EPP-features and pied-piping -- 3. Word-order changes in Middle English -- 4. The loss of V2 and the rise of the auxiliary system -- 5. Conclusion -- Acknowledgements -- References -- Chapter 4. The rise and development of analytic perfects in Italo-Romance -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Late Latin origin of BE and HAVE as perfective auxiliaries -- 2.1 Habere + pp as a periphrastic active perfect -- 2.2 Voice distinctions and grammatical relations in late Latin -- 2.3 The rise of esse + past participle as a periphrastic active perfect -- 2.4 Esse and habere as split intransitivity markers in late Latin.

3. Reflexes of Latin esse and habere as split intransitivity markers in old Neapolitan -- 4. Auxiliary selection in old Neapolitan and Sorace's (2000) gradient model of split intransitivity -- 5. Auxiliary selection in some contemporary Campanian varieties -- 6. Markedness, prototypicality and the diachrony of perfective auxiliaries in Italo-Romance -- 7. Conclusions -- Acknowledgements -- Abbreviations -- References -- Old Neapolitan texts: -- Chapter 5. Raising patterns in Old High German -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Raising in Present-Day German -- 3. The Old High German situation -- 3.1 Subject-to-subject raising -- 3.2 Object-to-subject raising -- 3.3 Latin influence -- 3.4 Summarizing the historical record -- 4. Word order patterns -- 4.1 Raising verbs -- 4.2 (In-)Coherence inOHG? -- 4.3 Sentential complements -- 5. Conclusion and outlook -- References -- Chapter 6. The New Passive in Icelandic really is a passive -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Transitive verbs: The Canonical Passive vs. the New Construction -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Monotransitives -- 2.2.1 The Canonical Passive -- 2.2.2 The New Construction -- 2.3 Ditransitives -- 3. Intransitive verbs: 'Impersonal' constructions -- 4. The study by Maling and Sigurjónsdóttir -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 Diffusion, social factors -- 4.3 Maling and Sigurjónsdóttir's analysis of the NC: a critical review -- 5. The status of the NC: active or passive -- 5.1 Introduction -- 5.2 Postverbal NP: subject or object -- 5.3 Impersonal active or passive -- 5.4 Properties of impersonal constructions (according to Maling and Sigurjónsdóttir) -- 5.5 The properties tested for Icelandic -- 5.5.1 Agentive PPs -- 5.5.2 Reflexives -- 5.5.3 Subject-oriented adjuncts -- 5.5.4 Unaccusatives -- 5.6 Evaluation and a new proposal -- 6. Accusative preserved in passive -- 6.1 Introduction -- 6.2 Norwegian -- 6.3 Faroese.

6.4 Icelandic: The Impersonal Ditransitive Reflexive Construction -- 6.5 Empirical evidence - theoretical problems -- 6.6 Summary -- 7. How did the change happen -- 7.1 Introduction -- 7.2 The emergence of the New Passive: A proposal -- 7.3 Alternative views -- 8. Conclusion -- Acknowledgements -- References -- Chapter 7. A mentalist interpretation of grammaticalization theory -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Grammaticalization -- 3. Problems of grammaticalization theory -- 3.1 Unidirectionality -- 3.2 The ontology of language -- 3.3 Explanatory value -- 3.4 Generative grammaticalization theory -- 4. The mentalist approach -- 4.1 Acquisition and change -- 4.2 Fundamental conditions -- 4.3 Phonological reduction -- 4.4 Semantic reduction -- 4.5 Morphosyntactic reduction -- 4.5.1 Boundary reduction -- 4.5.2 Trapped morphemes -- 4.5.3 Counterexamples -- 4.6 General principles -- 4.6.1 Final Devoicing -- 4.6.2 Lexical > Functional Category Change -- 4.6.3 No Degrammaticalization -- 4.6.4 Survival of the Unmarked -- 4.6.5 Behavioral before Coding -- 5. Conclusions -- Acknowledgements -- References -- Chapter 8. Linguistic cycles and Economy Principles -- The role of Universal Grammar in language change -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Economy and Cycles -- 2.1 Economy -- 2.2 Economy and language acquisition -- 2.3 The Linguistic cycle and specifier incorporation -- 3. The Northern Negative Cycle -- 3.1 North Germanic -- 3.2 Negatives in Finno-Ugric -- 4. The Aspect Cycle -- 5. CP grammaticalization -- 6. Contrasts and conclusion -- Acknowledgements -- Abbreviations -- References -- Chapter 9. Explaining exuberant agreement -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Exuberant agreement in languages of the Nakh-Dagestanian family -- 2.1 Exuberant agreement -- 2.2 Tsova-Tush -- 3. Origin of exuberant agreement in Tsova-Tush -- 3.1 First innovation: grammaticalization of light verbs.

3.2 Second innovation: grammaticalization of pronouns.