Cover image for Resumptive Pronouns at the Interfaces.
Resumptive Pronouns at the Interfaces.
Title:
Resumptive Pronouns at the Interfaces.
Author:
Rouveret, Alain.
ISBN:
9789027286987
Personal Author:
Physical Description:
1 online resource (437 pages)
Contents:
Resumptive Pronouns at the Interfaces -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of Contents -- Foreword -- Some issues in the theory of resumption -- 1. Resumptive pronouns: Where they are found and why -- 1.1 Resumption, islands and proper government -- 1.2 Is there a resumptive pronoun parameter? -- 2. Resumption: Anaphora or movement? -- 2.1 Resumption is not movement -- 2.2 Resumption as last resort -- 2.3 Resumption as a special kind of of movement -- 3. Minimalist proposals -- 3.1 Resumption as Phasal Agree -- 3.1.1 The connection problem -- 3.1.2 The agreement problem -- 3.2 Resumption as subextraction -- 3.3 Resumption and interface legibility -- 3.4 Resumption and Reconstruction -- 3.4.1 True versus apparent resumption -- 3.4.2 Apparent resumption, movement and reconstruction do not coincide -- 3.4.3 An alternative program -- 4. The semantics of resumptive pronouns -- 4.1 Pronoun structure and reconstruction -- 4.2 Functional readings of resumptive pronouns -- 4.3 Interpretive variation between pronominal types -- 5. Concluding remarks -- 6. The contributions in this volume -- 6.1 Syntactic uniformity/diversity of resumption -- 6.2 Issues in the semantics of resumptive pronouns and epithets -- Acknowledgments -- References -- Part I Syntactic uniformity/diversity of resumption -- Resumptive Pronouns, Ā-binding, and levels of representations in Irish -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Background -- 2.1 Clausal structure in Irish -- 2.2 Null arguments and agreement -- 3. Ā-binding in Irish -- 4. The distribution of resumptive pronouns -- 5. Resumptive pronouns as variables -- 6. The nature of the binding relation -- 6.1 The antecedent -- 6.2 The level -- 7. Summary and conclusions -- 8. Appendix: The distrubution of resumptive pronouns -- 8.1 Construction types that permit resumptive pronouns.

8.2 Clausal positions in which resumptive pronouns appear -- Acknowledgments -- References -- Towards a unified theory of resumption -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Three kinds of resumption -- 3. Data -- 3.1 Irish (Kind 1) -- 3.2 Vata (Kind 2) -- 4. Challenges for a unified theory -- 5. Lexical-Functional Grammar -- 5.1 The Correspondence Architecture -- 5.2 F-structure: Structural descriptions and general well-formedness conditions -- 5.3 Pronominal information -- 5.4 Unbounded dependencies -- 5.4.1 Reconstruction -- 5.4.2 Constraints on extraction -- 5.5 Operations on f-structures: Restriction -- 5.6 Generalizations over descriptions -- 6. Glue Semantics -- 6.1 Example: Anaphora -- 6.2 Example: Scope ambiguity -- 6.3 Example: Unbounded dependencies -- 7. Resource Sensitivity -- 7.1 Some consequences of resource sensitivity -- 8. The Resource Management Theory of Resumption -- 8.1 Manager resources -- 8.2 Summary -- 9. Analysis -- 9.1 Irish resumptives -- 9.1.1 Summary -- 9.2 Vata resumptives -- 9.2.1 Summary -- 10. Predictions of the theory -- 10.1 General predictions -- 10.2 Dual strategies: Lebanese Arabic -- 11. Conclusion -- References -- The limits of resumption in Welsh wh-dependencies -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Object wh-dependencies -- 2.1 The problem -- 2.2 Absence of overt resumptive pronouns -- 2.3 Loss of agreement clitics in colloquial varieties -- 2.4 Pied-piping in wh-contexts -- 2.5 Unexpected object clitics -- 2.5.1 Object clitics in long-distance dependencies -- 2.5.2 As'-clauses -- 2.6 Quantifier binding -- 2.7 Conclusions about object wh-dependencies -- 3. Integrating object wh-dependencies into a wider account of Welsh syntax -- 3.1 Successive cyclicity -- 3.2 The limits of resumption in long-distance wh-dependencies -- 4. Formal analysis -- 4.1 Successive cyclicity effects -- 4.2 Features of this analysis.

4.3 Where resumption is possible in Welsh -- 4.4 Extending this analysis to resumptive relatives -- 4.5 Further evidence for 'mixed' derivations -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Last resort and no resort -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Participants -- 2.1 Hebrew-speaking participants -- 2.2 Palestinian Arabic-speaking participants -- 3. The comprehension of relative clauses -- 3.1 Method -- 3.2 Material -- 3.2.1 Hebrew -- 3.2.2 Palestinian Arabic -- 3.3 Results -- 3.3.1 Hebrew -- 3.3.2 Palestinian Arabic -- 3.3.3 The comprehension of Hebrew object relatives with a resumptive pronoun -- 3.3.4 A direct comparison between Hebrew and Arabic -- 4. The production of relative clauses -- 4.1 Method -- 4.2 Results -- 5. Discussion -- References -- Building and interpreting nonthematic A-positions -- 1. A-resumption -- 2. Background -- 3. Agree-restricted A-movement and A-resumption -- 3.1 The English copy-raising construction -- 3.2 Interpreting through copies and pronouns: The role of Agree -- 3.3 Distributing copies and pronouns: The role of Cases -- 3.4 Putting it together -- 4. Unrestricted A-resumption in Breton -- 4.1 The double subject construction and finite clauses -- 4.2 The double subject construction and nonfinite clauses -- 4.3 The double subject contruction and BE -- 5. Unrestricted A-resumption elsewhere -- 6. Resumption -- References -- Works cited from the corpus of Rezac (2009 are -- Part II Issues in the semantics of resumptive pronouns and epithets -- On the syntax and semantics of resumptive pronouns -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The fragment -- 3. Differences between resumptive pronouns and gaps -- 3.1 Syntactic differences -- 3.2 Semantic differences -- 3.2.1 Relative clauses with both gaps and resumptive pronouns -- 3.2.2 Coindexing of gaps and resumptive pronouns -- 3.2.3 Referentiality of the head of the relative clause.

3.2.4 Island constraints -- 4. The distribution of resumptive pronouns -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Appendix A -- Definition of "linked tree" (informal definition) -- Specification of "dislocated" constituents for Hebrew -- Appendix B -- Translation convention -- NP storage convention -- Store retrieval convention -- Translation rules -- Some notes on the 'specificity effects' of optional resumptive pronouns -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Specificity effects -- 3. A doubling analysis of resumption (Boeckx 2003) -- 4. Adger & Ramchand (2005) -- 5. Another constraint on optional resumption: Amount relatives -- 6. Two ways to specificity? -- 7. Intensional 'reconstruction' -- 8. Summary -- References -- Appendix: Reconstruction effects for binding -- Bare Resumptives -- 1. Introduction-A Morphosyntactic Generalization? -- 2. Bare resumptives -- 3. Locality Effects -- 4. Bound Pronouns and Fake Indexicals -- 4.1 Fake Indexicals -- 4.2 Bare Bound Pronouns -- 4.3 Locality Effects -- 4.4 A puzzle -- 5. Deriving Generalizations C -- 5.1 Syntax and Semantics of Pronouns -- 5.2 Locality of Bare Resumptives -- 5.3 Further consequences -- 6. Conclusions -- References -- Resumptives, movement and interpretation -- 1. Introduction: To move or not to move? -- 2. Our proposal and its context -- 3. Resumptive epithets -- 4. The crossover argument -- 5. The argument from the distribution of epithets -- 5.1 The loneliness of expressives -- 5.2 Back to cobound readings in JA -- 6. Epithets in islands -- 7. Possible extensions to English "intrusive" resumptives -- 8. Closing remarks -- References -- Weak versus strong resumption -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Resumption in Jordanian Arabic -- 2.1 Introducing resumption -- 2.1.1 What qualifies as resumption: Weak vs strong anaphoric expressions -- 2.1.2 Resumption and islandhood.

2.2 Asymmetry #1: On the type of dislocated antecedent -- 2.2.1 Weak resumption does not constrain the type of antecedent -- 2.2.2 Strong resumption does constrain the type of antecedent -- 2.2.3 Summary -- 3. Adding reconstruction to the puzzle -- 3.1 Introducing reconstruction: Building on syntactic copies -- 3.2 Asymmetry #2: On the availability of reconstruction -- 3.2.1 Weak resumption does not restrict reconstruction -- 3.2.2 Strong resumption does restrict reconstruction -- 3.2.3 Summary -- 4. Interim summary -- 5. Our claims in three steps -- 5.1 How to get covariation -- 5.1.1 Bound Variable Anaphora (BVA) -- 5.1.2 E-type Anaphora -- 5.2 Lexical vs functional items: A restriction on BV interpretation -- 5.3 Islandhood: Forcing an e-type interpretation -- 5.4 Summarizing our claims -- 6. Accounting for the two asymmetries -- 6.1 Weak resumptives as functional items -- 6.1.1 Any type of antecedent in any context -- 6.1.2 Reconstruction in any context -- 6.2 Strong resumptives as lexical items -- 6.2.1 QP antecedents only in island contexts -- 6.2.2 Reconstruction only in non-island contexts -- 7. Conclusion -- References -- Index of languages -- Index of notions.
Abstract:
This article focuses on the distribution and interpretation of resumption in Jordanian Arabic with respect to a well-known distinction: weak (clitics and doubled pronouns) versus strong (strong pronouns and epithets) resumption. We propose an analysis of resumption and reconstruction that relates two major asymmetries with respect to that distinction, (i) strong resumption banning QP antecedents in non-island contexts, contrary to weak resumption, and (ii) strong resumption banning reconstruction in strong island contexts, contrary to weak resumption. Our main conclusion is that weak (functional) resumptives support two distributive readings, either bound variable or e- type, whereas strong (lexical) resumptives can only get an e-type interpretation. The asymmetries stated above then just follow from further constraints on the two distributive readings.
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Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, Michigan : ProQuest Ebook Central, 2017. Available via World Wide Web. Access may be limited to ProQuest Ebook Central affiliated libraries.
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