Constraints on Displacement -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- Introduction -- What this book is about -- What this book is not about -- Overview -- Acknowledgments -- 1. Locality constraints -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Constraint types -- 2.1. A taxonomy of constraint types -- 2.2. Local derivational constraints -- 2.3. Local representational constraints -- 2.4. Global constraints -- 2.5. Transderivational constraints -- 2.6. Translocal constraints -- 2.7. Good constraints -- 3. Towards the (G)MLC and the CED -- 3.1. The A-over-A Principle -- 3.2. The F-over-F Principle -- 3.3. The Complex NP Constraint -- 3.4. The Sentential Subject Constraint -- 3.5. The Subject Condition -- 3.6. The Wh-Island Condition -- 3.7. The Superiority Condition -- 3.8. The (Generalized) Minimal Link Condition -- 3.9. The Clause Non-final Incomplete Constituent Constraint -- 3.10. The Post-Sentential Subject Extraction Constraint -- 3.11. The Condition on Extraction Domain -- 3.12. Relativized Minimality -- 3.13. Conclusion -- 2. (G)MLC and CED in minimalist syntax -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The (Generalized) Minimal Link Condition: State of the art -- 2.1. Overview -- 2.2. Empirical arguments against the (G)MLC -- 2.3. Conceptual arguments against the (G)MLC -- 3. The Condition on Extraction Domain: State of the art -- 3.1. Overview -- 3.2. Problems with the CED -- 3.3. Elementary operations -- 3.4. Spell-out -- 3.5. Freezing -- 3.6. General remarks -- 4. Locality constraints: State of the art -- 4.1. Conclusion -- 4.2. Interlude: Islands in HPSG -- 4.3. Outlook -- 3. On deriving (G)MLC effects from the PIC -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Assumptions -- 2.1. Basic assumptions -- 2.2. All syntactic operations are feature-driven -- 2.3. All phrases are phases -- 2.4. The Edge Feature Condition -- 3. Deriving the (Generalized) Minimal Link Condition.

3.1. Superiority effects in English -- 3.2. Lack of superiority effects in German -- 3.3. Superiority effects with long-distance movement in German -- 3.4. Superiority effects with subject raising in German -- 3.5. Superiority effects with scrambling from wh-XP in German -- 4. Intervention effects that do not follow from the (G)MLC -- 4.1. Long-distance intervention without c-command in German -- 4.2. Clause-bound intervention without c-command in English -- 5. Some refinements -- 5.1. Multiple C[wh] domains and intervention -- 5.2. D-linking and intervention -- 6. Scope of the account -- 6.1. (G)MLC vs. PIC -- 6.2. Dominance-based intervention and the PIC-based approach -- 7. Conclusion -- 7.1. Main results -- 7.2. Core assumptions reconsidered -- 7.3. Some consequences -- 4. On deriving CED effects from the PIC -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Assumptions -- 2.1. All syntactic operations are feature-driven -- 2.2. Operation-inducing features on lexical items are ordered -- 2.3. All phrases are phases -- 2.4. Edge feature insertion -- 3. Deriving the condition on extraction domain -- 3.1. Merge -- 3.2. Agree -- 4. Freezing -- 4.1. Freezing effects -- 4.2. Predictions of the analysis so far -- 4.3. Deriving the Freezing Generalization -- 5. Melting -- 5.1. Melting effects with scrambling in German -- 5.2. Melting effects with scrambling in Czech -- 5.3. Further issues -- 6. Outlook and conclusion -- 6.1. Outlook -- 6.2. Core assumptions reconsidered -- 7. Appendix: Movement-related morphology -- 7.1. Background -- 7.2. Pseudo-melting in last-merged complements? -- 7.3. Movement-related morphology -- 7.4. Conclusion -- 5. Operator island effects -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Background -- 2.1. Operator islands without intervention -- 2.2. A Tree Adjoining Grammar approach -- 2.3. An optimality-theoretic approach -- 3. Assumptions.

3.1. The Intermediate Step Corollary -- 3.2. Maraudage -- 4. Wh-islands and topic islands -- 5. Analysis: Operator islands as maraudage -- 5.1. Wh-movement from a wh-island -- 5.2. Topicalization from a wh-island -- 5.3. Wh-movement from a topic island -- 5.4. Topicalization from a topic island -- 6. Conclusion, consequences, and extensions -- 6.1. Conclusion -- 6.2. Consequences -- 6.3. Extensions -- 6. Movement from verb-second clauses -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The problem -- 2.1. Data -- 2.2. Analyses -- 3. Staudacher's (1990) approach -- 4. CED effects: A phase-based approach -- 5. Verb-second by reprojection -- 6. A PIC-based approach -- 6.1. Extraction from last-merged clausal complements -- 6.2. Extraction from `dass' clauses -- 6.3. Extraction from verb-second clauses -- 7. Some further issues -- 7.1. Periphrastic verbs forms -- 7.2. Extraposition -- 7.3. Bridge verbs -- 7. Island repair by ellipsis -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The problem -- 2.1. Data -- 2.2. A standard analysis -- 3. Deletion by phase -- 4. A PIC-based approach -- 4.1. Analysis -- 4.2. Extraction from Specv without VP deletion -- 4.3. Extraction from Specv in sluicing constructions -- 4.4. [†] Discharge and the Strict Cycle Condition -- 5. Some further issues -- 5.1. Island types -- 5.2. VP ellipsis -- 5.3. Spreading of [†] -- Bibliography -- Index.