The Syntax and Semantics of a Determiner System -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Dedication page -- Table of contents -- Acknowledgements -- 1. Sources of Mauritian Creole -- 1. Origins -- 2. Language situation in Mauritius -- 3. A corpus-based approach to the study of MC determiners -- 4. Outline of this work -- 2. Introduction -- 1. Why the determiner system? -- 1.1 A quantificational approach -- 2. Early changes from French to MC -- 3. The new MC determiner system -- 4. Syntactic framework -- 4.1 A rationale for Minimalism -- 4.2 The Determiner Phrase -- 5. Semantics of determiners -- 5.1 Definitions -- 5.2 Formal Semantics -- 5.3 Noun categories and layers in the DP -- 6. The feature argumental [ARG] -- 7. Contribution to linguistic theory -- 3. Syntactic framework -- 1. Assumptions of the Minimalist Program -- 1.1 X-bar theory -- 1.1.1 Bare phrase structure -- 1.2 Contain and c-command -- 1.3 Economy principles -- 1.4 The principle of Full Interpretation -- 1.5 Derivation by phase -- 1.6 Case and agreement -- 2. Logical form -- 2.1 Quantifier raising -- 2.2 Scope -- 2.3 Legitimate LF elements -- 3. The architecture of the MC clause -- 3.1 The Split Inflectional Hypothesis -- 4. Predication -- 4.1 The predicate phrase -- 5. DPs and NPs -- 5.1 Weak and strong determiners -- 6. Bare nouns and the feature Argument [ARG] -- 7. The architecture of the MC noun phrase -- 7.1 Phases within the DP -- 7.1.1 Licensing empty categories -- 4 . Semantics -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Part I: Definitions -- 2.1 Definiteness -- 2.1.1 The 'Familiarity' theory of definiteness -- 2.1.2 Incomplete definite descriptions -- 2.1.3 Singular and plural definite descriptions -- 2.1.4 Referential and attributive uses of definite descriptions -- 2.1.5 Stages of Familiarity -- 2.1.6 Anaphoric uses of definite descriptions.

2.1.7 Immediate situational uses of definite descriptions -- 2.1.8 Larger situational uses of definite descriptions -- 2.1.9 Unfamiliarity uses of definite descriptions -- 2.2 Specificity -- 2.2.1 The indefinite article -- 2.2.2 Indefinite 'this' -- 2.2.3 Are all definites specific? -- 2.3 Deixis -- 2.3.1 Exophoric functions of demonstratives -- 2.3.2 ndophoric functions of demonstratives -- 3. Part II: The function of determiners and the denotation of nouns -- 3.1 Weak and strong determiners -- 3.2 DPs and NPs -- 3.3 Denotation -- 3.4 Kinds -- 4. The count vs. mass distinction -- 4.1 Parts and boundaries -- 4.1.1 The function PL(ural) -- 4.1.2 The ELT (Element of) function -- 4.1.3 The function Definiteness -- 4.2 The atomic structure of nouns -- 5. Part III: Formal Semantics -- 5.1 Categories of noun phrases -- 5.2 Partee's 'Noun interpretation and Type-shifting principles' -- 5.3 Chierchia's 'Derived Kind Predication' -- 5.4 Zamparelli's 'Multi-Layer DP Hypothesis' -- 6. The semantics of Predication -- 6.1 Aristotle's definition of Predication -- 6.2 Bowers' (1993) Semantics of Predication -- 6.3 Type-shifting: General principles and particular rules -- 5. Early changes -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Reanalysis and loss of the French determiners -- 2.1 From French DP to MC N -- 2.2 Bantu influence? -- 2.3 Ambiguous interpretations of bare nouns -- 2.4 Early evidence of article incorporation -- 2.4.1 Ambiguous interpretations of MC nouns in early MC -- 3. A new determiner system -- 3.1 The demonstrative 'sa' -- 3.2 The indefinite singular 'enn' -- 3.3 The post nominal Specificity marker 'la' -- 3.4 The plural marker 'bann' -- 3.5 The definite determiner 'so' -- 3.6 Bare nouns -- 3.7 A phonologically null definite determiner -- 4. The loss of an overt copula -- 4.1 The copula 'ete' -- 4.2 Predicative constructions in early MC.

4.3 The resumptive pronoun 'li' -- 4.4 'Li' a predicate marker? -- 4.5 'De-marking' -- 5. The loss of the French functional prepositions 'à' and 'de' -- 5.1 The lexical prepositions -- 5.1.1 The prepositon 'à' -- 5.1.2 The prepositon 'de' -- 5.2 Genitive constructions -- 5.2.1 Two genitive constructions in modern MC -- 6. Conclusion -- 6. The emergence of a new determiner system -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The discourse markers -- 2.1 Marking Topic: The demonstratives 'ça … là' - 1750 to 1820 -- 2.2 'a' without 'là' - 1820 onwards -- 2.2.1 No proximate vs. distal deictic contrast in MC -- 2.3 The Specificity marker 'là' - 1820 onwards -- 2.4 Recalling a Topic - 'là' marks old information -- 2.5 A number feature in 'ça' and 'là'? -- 2.6 Indefinite 'ça … là' -- 2.7 Summary -- 3. Bare mass nouns -- 3.1 Bare mass nouns as subject -- 3.2 Bare mass nouns as direct object -- 3.3 Bare mass nouns as object of preposition -- 3.3.1 The demonstrative 'ça …là' with mass nouns - 1850 onwards -- 3.4 Summary -- 4. Bare nouns -- 4.1 Bare count nouns as subject -- 4.2 Bare count nouns as direct object -- 4.3 Bare count nouns as object of preposition -- 4.4 Bare count nouns in the scope of negation -- 5. The quantificational determiners -- 5.1 The indefinite singular article 'enn' - 1820 onwards -- 5.1.1 Nominal predicates -- 5.1.2 Existential constructions -- 5.1.3 Indefinite singular direct object -- 5.1.4 Indefinite singular subject -- 5.2 The definite determiner 'so' - 1835 onwards -- 5.2.1 From possessive pronoun to determiner -- 5.2.2 'So' marks Focus -- 5.2.3 'So' as an emphatic determiner -- 5.3 The universal quantifier 'tout/tous' - 1820 onwards -- 5.4 The proportional quantifier 'bon morceau' - 1820 onwards -- 5.5 The proportional quantifier 'enne bande' - 1850 onwards -- 5.6 The plural marker 'bann' - 1885 onwards.

5.7 The mass noun quantifier 'morceau' - 1820 onwards -- 5.8 '(Bon) morceau' with unique and abstract nouns -- 6. Summary -- 7. The modern MC determiner system -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Bare count nouns -- 2.1 Bare count nouns in existential constructions -- 2.2 Bare count nouns as subject of stage level predicates -- 2.3 Bare count nouns as subject of individual level predicates -- 2.4 Bare count nouns ascomplement of opacity inducing predicates -- 2.5 Bare nouns as complement of stage level predicates -- 2.6 Bare count nouns as object of preposition -- 2.6.1 Object of preposition in generic contexts -- 2.7 Unique nouns -- 3. Bare mass nouns -- 3.1 Bare mass nouns in existential constructions -- 3.2 Bare mass nouns as subject of stage level predicates -- 3.3 Bare mass nouns as subject of individual level predicates -- 3.4 Bare mass nouns as complement of opacity inducing predicates -- 3.5 Bare mass nouns as object of preposition -- 4. The discourse markers -- 4.1 The Specificity marker 'la' -- 4.1.1 'La' is not a suffix -- 4.1.2 'La' with singular count nouns -- 4.1.3 'La' with plural count nouns -- 4.1.4 'La' with mass nouns -- 4.2 The demonstratives 'sa …la' -- 4.2.1 Indefintie 'sa … la' -- 4.3 'Sa' without 'la' -- 5. The quantificational determiners -- 5.1 The indefinite singular 'enn' -- 5.1.1 'Enn' in existential constructions -- 5.1.2 Singular indefinites as subject of stage level predicates -- 5.1.3 Singular indefinites as subject of individual level predicates -- 5.1.4 Singular indefinites in direct object position -- 5.1.5 Singular indefinites as object of preposition -- 5.2 The proportional quantifier 'ennbann' -- 5.3 The plural marker 'bann' -- 5.3.1 The plural marker in existential sentences -- 5.3.2 The plural marker in subject position -- 5.3.3 The plural marker in direct object position.

5.3.4 The plural marker in prepositional object position -- 5.3.5 A definition of 'bann' -- 5.3.6 Why does MC need a plural marker? -- 5.4 The emphatic determiner 'so' -- 6. Summary -- 8. Noun denotation and function of determiners -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Noun denotation -- 2.1 Kinds and properties -- 2.2 Categories of nouns and type shifting principles -- 2.3 The count vs. mass distinction -- 2.4 Kinds, predicates and GQs -- 3. DPs and NPs -- 3.1 English bare plurals -- 4. Comparing MC bare nouns and English bare plurals -- 4.1 Similarities between MC bare nouns with English bare plurals -- 4.1.1 In the scope of negation -- 4.1.2 With opacity inducing predicates -- 4.1.3 In the scope of sentence final time adverbs -- 4.1.4 Anaphora -- 4.1.5 Bare plurals and mass nouns -- 4.2 Differences between MC bare nouns and English bare plurals -- 4.2.1 Count nouns with stage level predicates -- 4.2.2 Count nouns with individual level predicates -- 4.2.3 Mass nouns with stage level predicates -- 4.2.4 Mass nouns with individual level predicates -- 5. A shift in noun denotation from French to Creole -- 5.1 From predicative nouns in French to argumental nouns in MC -- 5.2 The feature Argumental [ARG] -- 5.3 Deriving instances of kinds -- 5.4 The functions PL(ural) and ELT (Element of) in English -- 5.5 Marking plural in MC: The function of bann -- 5.6 Marking singular in MC: The function of enn -- 5.7 Marking definiteness -- 6. Type shifting principles -- 6.1 How type shifting operators apply in MC -- 6.1.1 The function lift -- 6.1.2 The function nom -- 6.1.3 The function pred -- 6.1.4 The function THE -- 6.1.5 The function BE -- 6.1.6 The function A -- 9. The syntax of the MC Noun Phrase -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Kinds, predicates and GQs -- 2.1 Layers in the DP -- 2.2 Count and mass nouns in predicative constructions -- 2.3 Kinds as arguments.

2.3.1 Generic contexts.