FUNCTIONALISM AND GRAMMAR -- Dedication -- Title page -- Copyright page -- Table of contents -- Preface -- 1. Prospectus,Somewhat Jaundiced -- 1.1. Historical notes -- 1.1.1. Antecedence and antecedents -- 1.1.2. The legacy of structuralism -- 1.1.3. Direct descent -- 1.2. From faith to theory -- 1.3. Naive iconism and the reality of formal structure -- 1.4. The mess inbetween discreteness and graduality -- 1.5. Clear distinctions and partial overlaps -- 1.6. Taking cognition and neurology seriously -- 1.7. Typological diversity and language universals -- 1.8. Methodology -- 1.8.1. Intuition and its limits -- 1.8.2. Induction and quantification -- 1.8.3. Deductive reasoning -- 1.8.4. Community -- Notes -- 2. Markedness as Meta-Iconicity:Distributional and Cognitive Correlatesof Syntactic Structure -- 2.1. Introduction -- 2.1.1. Markedness and explanation -- 2.1.2. Brief historical note -- 2.1.3. The context-dependence of markedness -- 2.1.4. Criteria for markedness -- 2.2. Markedness of discourse types -- 2.2.1. Oral-informal vs. written-formal discourse -- 2.2.1.1. Structural complexity -- 2.2.1.2. Frequency distribution -- 2.2.1.3. Cognitive complexity -- 2.2.2. Human-affairs vs. abstract-academic discourse -- 2.2.3. Conversation vs. narrative/procedural discourse -- 2.3. Markedness of clause types -- 2.3.1. Preamble -- 2.3.2. Main vs. subordinate clauses -- 2.3.2.1. Complexity and finiteness -- 2.3.2.1.1. Finiteness in subordinate clauses -- 2.3.2.1.2. Finiteness in conjoined main clauses -- 2.3.2.2. Frequency distribution -- 2.3.2.3. Cognitive complexity -- 2.3.2.4. Other substantive considerations -- 2.3.3. The markedness of speech-act types -- 2.3.3.1. Structural complexity -- 2.3.3.2. Frequency distribution -- 2.3.3.3. Cognitive complexity -- 2.3.3.4. Other substantive considerations -- 2.3.4. Markedness of affirmative and negative clauses.

2.3.4.1. Structural complexity -- 2.3.4.2. Frequency distribution -- 2.3.4.3. Cognitive complexity -- 2.3.5. Markedness of active and passive voice -- 2.3.5.1. Structural complexity -- 2.3.5.2. Text frequency -- 2.3.5.3. Cognitive complexity -- 2.3.5.4. Other substantive considerations -- 2.4. Markedness of nominal modalities -- 2.4.1. Preamble -- 2.4.2. Case-role and markedness -- 2.4.2.1. The topic hierarchies -- 2.4.2.2. Structural complexity -- 2.4.2.3. Frequency distribution -- 2.4.2.4. Cognitive complexity -- 2.4.3. Referentiality and individuation -- 2.4.4. Definiteness -- 2.4.4.1. Structural complexity -- 2.4.4.2. Frequency distribution -- 2.4.4.3. Cognitive complexity -- 2.4.5. Anaphoric status -- 2.4.5.1. Structural complexity -- 2.4.5.2. Frequency distribution -- 2.4.5.3. Cognitive complexity -- 2.4.6. Topicality and referential continuity -- 2.4.6.1. Continuous vs. discontinuous topics -- 2.4.6.2. Structural complexity -- 2.4.6.3. Frequency distribution -- 2.4.6.4. Cognitive complexity -- 2.5. Markedness of verbal modalities -- 2.5.1. Suggested markedness values -- 2.5.2. Structural complexity -- 2.5.3. Frequency distribution -- 2.5.4. Substantive considerations -- 2.5.4.1. Modality -- 2.5.4.2. Perfectivity -- 2.5.4.3. The perfect -- 2.5.4.3.1. Counter-sequentiality -- 2.5.4.3.2. Relevance -- 2.6. Markedness as meta-iconicity -- 2.6.1. Meta-iconicity and naive iconism -- 2.6.2. Diachronic change and markedness reversal -- 2.6.2.1. Ritualized structure -- 2.6.2.2. Cyclic fluctuations of markedness -- 2.7. Naive functionalism and excess structure -- 2.8. Markedness, cognition and communication -- 2.8.1. Saliency and frequency -- 2.8.2. Cognitive vs. cultural saliency -- Notes -- 3. The Functional Basis of Grammatical Typology -- 3.1. Introduction -- 3.2. The functional basis of grammatical typology -- 3.3. The semantics of transitivity.

3.4. The pragmatics of de-transitive voice -- 3.5. Definition and measurement of topicality -- 3.5.1. Anaphoric and cataphoric dimensions -- 3.5.2. Quantitative identification of voice constructions -- 3.5.2.1. Topicality measures -- 3.5.2.2. Frequency distribution in text -- 3.5.2.3. Frequency of non-anaphoric agent or patient deletion -- 3.6. Syntactic-typological correlates of de-transitive voice -- 3.6.1. Subjecthood and voice -- 3.6.2. Grammatical relations in the de-transitive clause -- 3.6.2.1. Syntactic demotion -- 3.6.2.2. Syntactic promotion -- 3.6.3. Toward a cross-linguistic typology of inverse constructions -- 3.6.3.1. Syntactic-typological dimensions -- 3.6.3.2. Pronominal (morphological) vs. word-order inverse -- 3.6.3.2.1. Pronominal inverses -- 3.6.3.2.2. Word-order inverses -- 3.6.3.3. Full-NP case marking in the inverse clause -- 3.6.3.4. Obligatory semantic inversion -- 3.6.3.5. Promotional vs. non-promotional inverse -- 3.7. Diachronic change and the typology of inverse -- 3.7.1. The diachronic underpinnings of synchronic typology -- 3.7.2. From word-order inverse to pronominal inverse -- 3.7.3. From pragmatic to semantic inversion -- 3.7.4. From inverse to ergative -- 3.7.5. Diachronic connections between inverse and passive -- 3.7.5.1. From promotional passive to promotional inverse -- 3.7.5.2. From agent-of-inverse to agent-of-passive -- 3.8. Conclusion -- Notes -- 4. Modal Prototypes of Truth and Action -- 4.1. Introduction -- 4.1.1. Perspective -- 4.1.2. Goals -- 4.2. Propositional modalities -- 4.2.1. Traditional view of modality -- 4.2.2. The communicative definition of modality -- 4.3. The distribution of irrealis over grammatical contexts -- 4.3.1. Tense-aspect and irrealis -- 4.3.2. Irrealis-inducing adverbs -- 4.3.3. Irrealis in verb complements -- 4.3.4. Non-declarative speech-acts and irrealis.

4.3.5. Irrealis in adverbial clauses -- 4.3.6. Modal auxiliaries and the markedness status of the irrealis sub-modes -- 4.4. The distribution of the subjunctive across irrealis subordinate clauses -- 4.4.1. Preamble -- 4.4.2. The subjunctive in verb complements -- 4.4.2.1. The complementation scale -- 4.4.2.2. The subjunctive of weak manipulation -- 4.4.2.3. The subjunctive of low certainty -- 4.4.2.3.1. From deontic to epistemic modality -- 4.4.2.3.2. Unified subjunctive -- 4.4.2.3.3. Split subjunctive -- 4.4.3. The subjunctive in adverbial clauses -- 4.4.3.1. Preamble -- 4.4.3.2. English -- 4.4.3.3. Bemba -- 4.4.3.4. Swahili -- 4.4.3.5. Spanish -- 4.5. The subjunctive in main clauses -- 4.5.1. Preamble -- 4.5.2. The subjunctive of weak manipulation -- 4.5.2.1. English -- 4.5.2.2. Spanish -- 4.5.2.3. Bemba -- 4.5.3. The subjunctive of low certainty -- 4.5.3.1. English -- 4.5.3.2. Spanish -- 4.5.3.3. Bemba -- 4.6. Three subjunctive puzzles -- 4.6.1. Subjunctives in Spanish relative clauses -- 4.6.2. Subjunctive in Spanish factive complements -- 4.6.3. The use of past or perfect as subjunctive forms -- 4.6.3.1. Realis-marked subjunctives -- 4.6.3.2. Past or perfect marked counter-fact clauses -- 4.6.3.3. Explanations -- 4.7. Functional universals and typological variation -- 4.7.1. The reality of irrealis -- 4.7.2. The functional coherence of irrealis -- 4.7.3. The grammatical marking of irrealis and the functional basis of grammatical typology -- 4.7.4. Typological diversity as diachronic source diversity -- 4.8. Conclusion -- Notes -- 5. Taking Structure Seriously, I: Constituency and the VP Node -- 5.1. The grammar denial syndrome -- 5.2. Constituency and hierarchic structure -- 5.3. The VP node -- 5.3.1. Preliminaries -- 5.3.2. Criteria -- 5.4. Joint extraction and joint anaphoric reference -- 5.5. The noun-incorporation argument.

5.6. Intermezzo: Configurational case-marking -- 5.7. The VSO-language argument -- 5.8. The VP node in multi-verb clauses -- 5.8.1. Preamble -- 5.8.2. Complementation and grammaticalized auxiliaries in embedding languages -- 5.8.3. Complementation and grammaticalized auxiliaries in verb-serializing languages -- 5.8.4. The verb phrase in serial-verb languages -- 5.8.4.1. Configurational accounts of serial clauses -- 5.8.4.2. Verb serialization and the distribution of finite verbal morphology -- 5.8.4.3. The typological chasm -- 5.9. Discussion -- 5.9.1. The generative paradigm as problem generator -- 5.9.2. Constituency and the VP node -- 5.9.3. Alternative means of signalling constituency: Adjacency and morphological binding -- 5.9.4. The reality of grammar -- Notes -- 6. Taking Structure Seriously, II: Grammatical Relations -- 6.1. Introduction -- 6.2. Semantic vs. grammatical case: The dissociation test -- 6.3. Empirical criteria for grammatical relations -- 6.3.1. The prototype clustering approach to categories -- 6.3.2. The clustering approach to grammatical relations -- 6.4. Formal properties of subjects and objects -- 6.4.1. Preamble -- 6.4.2. Overt coding properties -- 6.4.3. Verb-coding of grammatical roles -- 6.4.4. Behavior-and-control properties -- 6.4.4.1. The problem of applicability -- 6.4.4.2. Conflicts with overt coding properties -- 6.4.4.3. Relativization and grammatical relations -- 6.4.4.4. Passivization and grammatical relations -- 6.4.4.5. Equi-NP deletion and grammatical relations -- 6.4.4.6. Reflexives and grammatical relations -- 6.5. Gradations and indeterminacy of grammatical relations -- 6.5.1. Preamble -- 6.5.2. Gradation of direct objecthood -- 6.5.3. Gradation of subjecthood -- 6.5.4. A functional account of cross-language variability: The ranking of formal subject and object properties.

6.6. Grammatical relations in ergative languages.