HISTORICAL LINGUISTICS 2009 -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- Foreword & Acknowledgements -- Editors' introduction -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Change in domains of language and grammar -- 2.1 Sound change -- 2.2 Morphosyntactic change -- 2.2.1 Loss of inflection and word order -- 2.2.2 Grammaticalization -- 2.2.3 Argument selection and argument marking -- 2.2.4 Clause typing and clause linkage. -- 2.2.5 Information structure/pragmatics -- 3. The social setting of language change -- 3.1 Contact linguistics -- 4. Methodological issues -- 5. Notes/comments on the present selection -- 6. Concluding remarks -- References -- Part I General and specific issues of language change -- Competing reinforcements -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Afrikaans negation meets Jespersen's Cycle -- 2.1 Background: Afrikaans and its negation system -- 2.2 Negation in contemporary Afrikaans -- 2.2.1 The formal properties of 'nie2' -- 2.3 Negative developments in modern spoken Afrikaans (MSA) -- 2.3.1 Expansion of 'nie2' contexts -- 2.3.2 'Nie1' replacement -- 2.3.3 Conclusion -- 2.4 Understanding the peculiar trajectory of 'nie2' in MSA -- 2.4.1 The origins of 'nie2' -- 2.4.2 The formal properties of 'nie2' vis-à-vis other reinforcers -- 3. A test case: Brazilian Portuguese (BP) -- 3.1 A closer look at the northern BP data -- 3.2 Evaluating the northern BP data in light of JC -- 4. Conclusions and further questions -- References -- On the Reconstruction of Experiential Constructions in (Late) Proto-Indo-European -- 1. Verbs of cognition and perception -- 2. Evidence of sanskrit -- 3. Verbs denoting changes in bodily states -- 4. The verbs of epistemic and deontic modality -- 5. Typology and diachrony of experiential constructions -- References -- Criteria for differentiating inherent and contact-induced changes in language reconstruction.

1. Introduction -- 2. An explanation of Dybo's and Stang's laws -- 3. Conclusion -- Abbreviations -- References -- Misparsing and syntactic reanalysis -- 1. Boundary shift, misparsing, rebracketing -- 2. An overview of frequently discussed cases of rebracketing -- 2.1 Reanalyzed right dislocation as a source for VO order -- 2.2 Have' perfects -- 2.3 ba -- 2.4 forcomp -- 2.5 Haspelmath's (1998) cases -- 3. The relabeling (conservancy of structure) hypothesis -- 4. Syntactic and phonological misparsing -- References -- How different is prototype change? -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The radial set -- 3. Examples -- 3.1 Phonology -- 3.2 The lexicon -- 3.3 Morphosyntax: The expression of past time -- 4. Conclusions -- 4.1 Difference in outcome -- 4.2 Difference in process -- References -- The syntactic reconstruction of alignment and word order -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Alignment patterns in Old Japanese adnominal vs. conclusive clauses -- 2.1 Adnominal clauses -- 2.2 Conclusive clauses -- 3. Nominalizations as sources for alignment -- 3.1 General view -- 3.2 Gildea's (1998, 2000) 'nominalist' account for Proto-Carib -- 3.2.1 SV/OV] absolutive VP < action/agent nominalization -- 3.2.2 AV ergative < object nominalization -- 4. Reconstructions of two alignment patterns in Old Japanese -- 4.1 Adnominal transitive < object nominalization -- 4.2 Conclusive < action nominalization -- 4.2.1 Particle copula si -- 4.2.2 Infinitives as a nominalization pattern -- 5. Summary and conclusions -- Texts (primary sources) -- References -- Part II Linguistic Variation and Change in Germanic -- The Dutch-Afrikaans participial prefix ge- -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Middle Dutch ghe- -- 3. Modern Dutch ge- -- 3.1 Functions of ge- -- 3.2 Characteristics of Dutch ge- placement -- 3.2.1 Morphological structure of the p.p. -- 3.2.2 Ge- versus other prefixes.

3.2.3 Separable versus inseparable verbs -- 3.2.4 Infinitivus-pro-participio -- 3.2.5 Phonological condition -- 4. Ge- in standard Afrikaans -- 4.1 Ge- in Afrikaans and Dutch compared -- 4.2 Characteristics of Afrikaans ge- placement -- 4.2.1 Morphological structure of the p.p. -- 4.2.2 Ge- versus other prefixes -- 4.2.3 Separable versus inseparable verbs -- 4.2.4 Infinitivus pro participio -- 4.2.5 The phonological condition -- 4.3 Degrammaticalization from Dutch to Afrikaans? -- 5. Ge-/ga- in Griqua Afrikaans -- 5.1 Further changes along the same parameters -- 5.2 Characteristics of Griqua Afrikaans ge- placement -- 5.2.1 Ge- versus other prefixes -- 5.2.2 Separable versus inseparable verbs -- 5.2.3 The phonological condition -- 5.2.4 Syntactic freedom in ge- placement -- 5.2.5 Ge- affixed to non-verbs -- 5.3 Ellipsis of the auxiliary -- 5.4 Griqua Afrikaans versus Standard Afrikaans -- 6. Standard Afrikaans, Griqua Afrikaans and degrammaticalization -- References -- Diachronic changes in long-distance dependencies -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Diachronic changes in long-distance movement -- 3. Island conditions -- 4. Conclusions -- References -- Changes in the Use of the Frisian Quantifiers Ea/ Oait "Ever" between 1250 and 1800 -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Outline -- 1.2 Data -- 1.3 Background information -- 2. Syntactic constructions -- 3. Distribution of "ever" in the history of Frisian 1250-1800 -- 3.1 Old Frisian (1250-1550) -- 3.2 The period 1550-1700 -- 3.3 The period 1700-1800 -- 3.4 Discussion of nominal relatives -- 3.5 Discussion of oait with clause negation -- 3.6 Why did ooit, nooit replace ea, nea? -- 4. Questions and conclusions -- References -- On the development of the perfect (participle) -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Two kinds of stative participles: Resultant states and target states -- 3. Tensed and tenseless participles.

4. Tracing the development of the have-perfect -- 5. Conclusion -- Sources -- References -- OV and V-to-I in the History of Swedish -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Ov in Swedish -- 2.1 The corpus -- 2.2 The OV patterns -- 2.3 Empirical results -- 3. Interpreting the data -- 3.1 Deriving OV -- 3.2 The relation between OV and V-to-I -- 3.2.1 Changing OV -- 3.2.2 The loss of V-to-I -- 4. Summary -- Investigated texts -- References -- Ethnicity as an independent factor of language variation across space -- 1. Afrikaans and its sociological context in a historical perspective -- 2. Ethnicity, space and language variation -- 3. Corpus -- 4. Presentation of linguistic variables -- 4.1 Features commonly presented as Coloured -- 4.2 Relative adverbials with and without R-element -- 4.3 Objective 'vir' -- 5. Realization of individual linguistic variables -- 6. Multivariate analysis -- 7. Discussion -- References -- The sociolinguistics of spelling -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Historical and linguistic background -- 3. The sociolinguistic landscape -- 3.1 Official language policy -- 3.2 The private sphere -- 3.3 Spelling and identity -- 4. Spelling and the normative tradition -- 5. Spelling in practice -- 6. Conclusions -- References -- part iii Linguistic variation and change in Greek -- Dative loss and its replacement in the history of Greek -- 1. Introduction to the Greek case system: Classical vs. Modern -- 2. Data and previous accounts -- 2.1 Usage of dative in Classical Greek -- 2.2 Pure' dative replacement strategies: An overview -- 2.2.1 Accusative and genitive replacement -- 2.2.1.1 Replacement by clitics. -- 2.2.1.2 Replacement by full noun phrases. -- 2.3 A note on sound change -- 3. Genitive/accusative replacement: A syntactic proposal -- 3.1 Genitive replacement -- 3.2 Accusative replacement -- 4. Conclusion and future work -- References.

Word order variation in New Testament Greek wh-questions -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Wh-interrogation in NT Greek -- 2.1 The morpho-syntax of wh-items -- 2.2 Basic syntactic properties -- 3. Word order variation in wh-questions -- 4. A root non-root asymmetry and residual Verb Second -- 5. The non-movement derivation of cause/reason questions -- 6. Concluding remarks -- New Testament Editions -- References -- part iv Linguistic change in Romance -- The morphological evolution of infinitive, future and conditional forms in Occitan -- 1. The morphome -- 2. The evolution of synthetic future and conditional forms in Romance -- 3. Stem distributions resulting from regular historical development -- 4. More recent developments, specific to Occitan -- 4.1 Heteroclisis -- 4.2 Convergence -- 5. Asymmetrical distributions -- 6. Asymmetry, futurity and the 'weak morphome' -- 7. Conclusions -- References -- The Evolution of the Encoding of Direction in the History of French -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 The problem: Two changes in the history of French -- 1.2 A possible cause: The lexicalization of directional particles -- 1.3 Our proposal -- 2. Methodology -- 2.1 The shape of parameter change -- 2.2 Corpora -- 2.3 Studying the loss of arriere -- 2.4 Studying the lexicalization of prefixes -- 3. Results -- 3.1 Tourner -- 3.2 Traire -- 4. Discussion -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Velle-type prohibitions in Latin -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The construction -- 2.1 Characteristics of velle-type prohibitions -- 2.2 Historical and literary context -- 3. Synchronic analysis -- 3.1 Formalizing sequence of tense -- 3.2 SoT in velle-type prohibitions -- 3.3 Morphosemantic restrictions on prohibitions -- 3.4 Last resort insertion of velle- -- 4. Diachronic analysis -- 4.1 The nolo connection -- 4.2 Loss of optionality -- 4.3 Filling a syntactic gap in third person.

5. Conclusion.