Noun Phrases and Nominalization in Basque -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- Summary of the chapters -- Part 1: DPs and quantification -- Part 2: Nominal expressions and predicative configurations -- Part 3: Clausal nominalizations -- References -- Part I. DPs and quantification -- The DP Hypothesis in the grammar of Basque -- 1. Preliminary remarks -- 2. The DP Hypothesis applied to Basque -- 2.1 Problems for the standard NP-analysis of Basque noun phrases -- 2.2 Abney's original insights and Basque grammar -- 2.3 Personal pronouns as determiners and proper names -- 2.4 Other possible internal arguments? -- 2.5 Quick assessment of the DP Hypothesis -- 3. What does the NP/DP distinction do to Basque grammar? -- 3.1 Vocatives -- 3.2 The formation of complex predicates of the [NP + V] type -- 3.3 Predicate nominals in Basque: A short overview -- 3.4 The NP/DP distinction in Basque revisited -- 4. Functional structure beyond D: On the syntax of Basque quantifiers -- 4.1 The article in a functional position below D? -- 4.2 Two types of quantifiers -- 4.3 Number marking and further issues -- 5. A note on doubly determined DPs -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- The way the definite determiner affects quantifiers in Basque (and beyond) -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Quantification in Basque: Strong vs. weak quantifiers -- 2.1 Co-occurrence with the definite D -- 2.2 Existential sentences -- 2.3 Presuppositionality -- 3. Background: Is Generalized Quantifier Theory correct? -- 3.1 Quantifiers and D in St'át'imcets (Matthewson 1998, 2001) -- 3.2 Problems with the assumption that the domain of Q-det is e -- 4. Etxeberria & Giannakidou (2010): Domain restricting D as a modifier function -- 4.1 D can restrict the domain in two ways: On the NP, or on the Q-det.

4.2 D-restriction can only happen once, and creates QPs, not DPs -- 4.2.1 First incorrect alternative analysis: Strong Q-dets create DPs -- 5. Partitives: Strongly interpreted weak quantifiers -- 6. Contextual domain restriction and the strong-weak distinction -- 7. Conclusions -- References -- An overview of Basque measure phrases -- 1. Quantifiers in noun phrases -- 1.1 Prenominal measure phrases -- 1.2 Postnominal quantifier phrases -- 2. Adjective degrees and measure -- 2.1 Measurement of simple adjectives -- 2.2 The "differential" in comparative constructions -- 2.3 -AGO, -EGI and -EN (comparative, excessive and superlative) -- 2.4 What is the difference between simple adjective/adverb phrases and comparatives? -- 2.5 Word order -- 2.6 Gehiago 'more' -- 2.7 A final note: Expressing measure and quantity together -- 3. Conclusions -- References -- Number agreement in Basque -- 1. Introduction: The phenomenon -- 2. A previous view: Non-agreeing cases as masses -- 3. Are non-agreeing quantifiers mass? -- 4. The distributive character of non-agreeing quantifiers -- 4.1 Distributive readings -- 4.2 Predicate classes -- 4.3 Once-only predicates -- 5. What do these quantifiers quantify over? -- 6. Crosslinguistic connections -- 6.1 Split measure phrases -- 6.2 Quantification at a distance -- 6.3 Differences between split MPs/QaD and Basque non-agreeing quantifiers -- 6.4 A note on event-related readings -- 7. A semantic approach to predicate sensitivity -- 7.1 Monotonicity in the nominal domain -- 7.2 Monotonicity in the verbal domain -- 7.3 Homomorphism -- 8. Syntactic structure -- 9. Conclusions -- References -- Synchronic ubiquity of the Basque article -a: A look from diachrony -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Basic background -- 2.1 Some background about the diachrony of articles -- 2.2 Basic background about the evolution of Basque D-elements.

3. Synchronic problems with -a -- 3.1 Ubiquitous -a -- 3.2 Synchronic analysis of non-conventional uses of the Basque article -- 4. The contribution of diachronic and dialectal data to the understanding of these phenomena -- 4.1 Bare objects in diatopic and diachronic perspective -- 4.2 Mass nouns and bare plurals in other languages -- 4.3 Contact induced spread of -a and -ak: The role of overt plurality marking -- 5. What do diachronic data tell us about the synchronic situation -- 5.1 The articles -a and -ak and their spread: Crossroads between synchrony and diachrony -- 5.2 D-elements as a whole -- 6. Concluding remarks -- References -- Part II. Nominal expressions and predicative configurations -- Genitive case and multiple checking in Basque -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Setting the scene: A descriptive characterization of Basque genitive DPs -- 3. Genitive phrases inside noun phrases: Sketching a proposal -- 4. Bare NPs can only host one object genitive -- 5. DPs and genitive case: Development of the proposal -- 5.1 Genitives are above QP: Arguments for locating genitives above QP -- 5.2 Arguments for a multiple specifier approach -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- Predication markers in Basque -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The phenomenon -- 3. Previous analyses -- 3.1 Number agreement -- 3.2 A predicative article -- 4. The proposal -- 4.1 Predication markers -- 4.2 A pronominal copula in Basque -- 5. Conclusions -- References -- Word order in Basque determiner phrases -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Word order typology and adjective and demonstrative positions in Basque -- 3. Mutual order between adjectives and demonstratives: Achieving a mirror image -- 4. Multiple adjective ordering -- References -- Denominal necessity modals in Basque -- Part III. Clausal nominalizations.

Basque nominalizations and the role of structural Case in the licensing of null arguments -- 1. Basque and the question of pro-drop -- 2. Nominalization in Basque and the licensing of overt subjects -- 2.1 Nominalized clauses in argument position: Argumental infinitives -- 2.2 Nominalized clauses as adjuncts: Infinitival adjuncts -- 2.3 Nominalized clauses as infinitival complements of directive verbs (V-t(z)eko) -- 2.4 Nominalized clauses as infinitival complements of verbs of motion (V-t(z)era) -- 2.5 TZEN complements (V-t(z)en) -- 3. Subject-drop in nominalizations -- 3.1 No null subject in clauses that do not license overt subjects -- 3.2 Variation in clauses that license overt subjects -- 4. Assignment of structural Case to subjects -- 4.1 No null arguments without structural Case -- 4.2 Types of control -- 4.3 Extraction facts -- 4.4 Quantifier float -- 4.5 Intermediary conclusions -- 5. Null subjects and controlled non-overt subjects in argumental infinitives -- 5.1 Argumental infinitives without an overt subject -- 5.2 Genitive objects in North-Eastern Basque -- 6. Conclusions -- References -- Structural dependency and interpretation in Basque nominalized clauses -- 1. Introduction -- 2. DP-Nominalizations vs Locative Nominalizations -- 2. Variability in DP-Nominalizations in object position -- 3. Cancelling the opacity in DP-Nominalizations: LDA and Exhaustive Control -- 3. 1 LDA in DP-Nominalizations -- 3. 2 Number LDA induces exhaustive control -- 4. Degrees of defectiveness in DP-Nominalizations -- 4.1 Complement clauses that participate in the case system -- 4.2 Basque number LDA: Dependency and defectiveness -- 5. Defective but not transparent: Exhaustive control in Basque -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- Perception verb complements in Basque -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The features of Basque PVCs -- 2.1 Constituent unity.

2.2 Separability -- 2.3 Restriction on the assignment of ergative case to the embedded subject -- 2.4 Agreement -- 2.5 Anaphora -- 2.6 Negation -- 2.7 Wh-questions -- 2.8 Simultaneity -- 2.9 Restriction on Individual Predicates -- 2.10 Selectional restrictions on PVCs -- 2.11 Summary -- 3. Earlier analyses -- 3.1 The determiner phrase analysis -- 3.2 The complementizer phrase analysis -- 4. The proposal: Basque PVCs as AspPs -- 4.1 Two alternative approaches to (the aspectual marker) -t(z)en: [AspP -t(z)en] versus [PostP -t(z)e -n] -- 4.2 Arguments for analyzing -t(z)en as Asp -- 4.3 AspP as the complement of perceptual verbs in Basque -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- A continuum of deficiency for Basque infinitives -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The dual identity of the affixes -tu/-i/-n/-Ø -- 2.1 Aspects of infinitives -- 2.2 Nominal properties of -tu/-i/-n/-Ø constituents -- 2.3 A unified account -- 2.4 -tu in central dialects -- 3. A continuum of deficiency for Basque infinitives -- 3.1 Infinitive - modal orders -- 3.2 Modal-infinitive orders -- 3.1 D-headed infinitives -- 4. Conclusion -- References -- Language index -- Subject index.