Comparative Germanic Syntax -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- List of contributors -- INTRODUCTION -- Comparative Germanic Syntax -- References -- Modal complement ellipsis -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Dutch modal complement ellipsis (MCE) -- 2.1 Basic properties -- 2.2 Dutch modals and their complements -- 2.2.1 Modals are raising verbs -- 2.2.2 Dutch modals are merged in V, not in T -- 2.2.3 Dutch modals select a non-finite TP complement -- 2.2.4 Summary -- 2.3 Ellipsis: Deletion or proform? -- 2.3.1 Objects cannot extract out of MCE -- 2.3.2 Subjects can extract out of MCE -- 2.4 Summary -- 3. Ellipsis is deletion -- 4. The analysis of Dutch MCE -- 4.1 The licensing head and the size of the ellipsis site -- 4.2 The extraction data -- 4.2.1 Wh-object extraction -- 4.2.2 Object scrambling -- 4.2.3 Subject extraction -- 4.3 Summary -- 5. English VP ellipsis -- 5.1 The licensing head and the ellipsis site -- 5.2 The extraction data -- 6. Conclusions and Further research -- References -- On the adverbial reading of infrequency adjectives and the structure of the DP -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Occasional constructions in English -- 1.2 Constraints on English OCs -- 1.2.1 Types of Ds licensing the OC reading -- 1.2.2 Adjacency to D -- 1.2.3 Impossibility of coordination -- 1.2.4 Types of adjectives licensing the OC reading -- 1.3 The peculiarity of OCs: the syntax-semantics mismatch -- 1.4 A proposal for OCs: Complex quantifier formation and quantifier raising (QR) -- 1.5 The Inverse scope parameter -- 1.6 Our contribution -- 2. German OCs revisited -- 3. OCs beyond Germanic: Greek and Italian -- 3.1 Scope in Greek and Italian -- 3.2 OCs in Greek -- 3.3 Italian OCs -- 3.3.1 Types of Ds licensing the OC reading -- 3.3.2 Adjacency to D -- 3.3.3 Impossibility of coordination -- 3.3.4 Prenominal position of the adjective.

3.4 The semantic properties of qualche -- 3.5 Interim summary and questions to address -- 4. Towards an analysis -- 4.1 The structure of the DP -- 4.2 The dual nature of qualche -- 4.3 PlP and OCs across languages -- 4.3.1 Complex quantifier formation in Italian -- 4.3.2 Plural determiners in English -- 4.3.3 Greek and German determiners -- 4.4 OCs and the syntax of determiners across languages -- 5. Summary and conclusions -- References -- Crossing the Lake -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Background: Verb doubling in Swiss German -- 1.2 The element gi in Bodensee-Alemannic -- 2. Shared properties -- 2.1 Interpretive properties -- 2.2 The category of the infinitival complement -- 2.3 Structural position of the gi/go-phrase -- 2.4 Infinitival complements with 'zum:' A clausal complement -- 2.5 The structure -- 3. Differences between CH-Alemannic and DE-Alemannic -- 3.1 No integration into the VR/VPR-system -- 3.2 Reordering possibilities -- 3.3 No verbal doubling in BA -- 4. The historical development -- 4.1 The prepositional origin of gi/go -- 4.2 The emergence of verb doubling in Swiss German -- 5. Accounting for the differences -- 5.1 Gi in BA -- 5.2 Go in CH -- 6. Why is gi/go limited to alemannic varieties? -- 6.1 Historical issues -- 6.2 The case of West Flemish -- 7. Conclusion -- References -- Preposition-determiner amalgams in German and French at the syntax-morphology interface -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The data -- 2.1 The amalgams -- 2.2 Interactions with the complement -- 2.3 Obligatory amalgamation vs semantic differentiation -- 2.4 P+D amalgams and coordination -- 3. The analysis -- 3.1 German P+D amalgams -- 3.2 French P+D amalgams -- 4. Conclusion -- Acknowledgements -- References -- Conditional clauses, Main Clause Phenomena and the syntax of polarity emphasis -- 1. Introduction: Scope and organization of the paper.

1.1 Conditional clauses: Two observations -- 1.1.1 Argument fronting in conditional clauses -- 1.1.2 Modal markers in conditional clauses -- 1.2 Goal and organization of this paper -- 2. Argument fronting and high modals -- 2.1 A correlation -- 2.2 The assertion hypothesis -- 3. An intervention account -- 3.1 A double asymmetry -- 3.2 Temporal adverbial clauses -- 3.3 Embedded interrogatives -- 3.4 Relative clauses -- 3.5 Argument fronting and intervention -- 3.6 A feature based account of the double asymmetry -- 3.6.1 Features and intervention -- 3.6.2 The argument/adjunct asymmetry -- 3.6.3 The argument/CLLD asymmetry -- 3.7 The movement derivation of temporal clauses -- 4. Conditionals as free relatives -- 4.1 The proposal -- 4.2 Additional support -- 4.2.1 Temporal clauses and conditional clauses -- 4.2.2 Yes-no questions and conditionals -- 4.3 Absence of low construal -- 5. SpOAs and conditional clauses -- 5.1 The adverbial hierarchy (Cinque 1999) -- 5.2 Locating the world operator: IrrealisP -- 5.3 Conditionals lack low construal: A problem becomes an argument in favour -- 5.4 Peripheral conditional clauses -- 5.5 Non asserted that clauses -- 6. Emphatic polarity as an MCP -- 6.1 Emphatic polarity bien/si in the Spanish left periphery (Hernanz 2007a,b) -- 6.2 Sentence-final emphatic negation in Italian (Zanuttini 1997 -- Poletto 2008, 2009) -- 6.3 Latin quidem -- 6.4 The expression of emphatic polarity as a MCP -- 7. Conclusion -- References -- Cross-Germanic variation in Binding Condition B -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Reinterpretation of the local binding conditions and binding domains -- 3. The effect of morphosyntactic factors on sensitivity to Condition B -- 4. 'Extended' binding domains for pronouns -- 5. The effect of phonological factors on Condition B domains -- 6. Conclusion -- References.

Development of Sentential Negation in the History of German -- 1. Introduction: ways of marking sentential negation -- 2. Data -- 2.1 Old High German -- 2.2 Middle High German -- 2.3 Modern German -- 3. Analysis -- 3.1 Syntactic Status of Neg-Particles -- 3.2 Semantic Status of Neg-Markers -- 4. Conclusion -- References -- Contact, animacy, and affectedness in Germanic -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Contact and affectedness -- 3. Distribution of inanimate objects in swedish verb of contact -- 4. Representing affectedness -- 5. Distribution of Null At1oc -- 6. Double object constructions -- 6.1 'Have', 'Give' and possessional small clauses -- 6.2 Motion and location -- 7. Conclusion -- References -- Syntactic change in progress -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The New Construction: Active or passive? -- 2.1 Syntactic criteria -- 2.2 Human interpretation of impersonal passives -- 3. Binding of anaphors -- 3.1 Subject-oriented adjuncts -- 3.2 Nonagentive predicates -- 4. Possible models for the innovation -- 4.1 Existential passives and the Definiteness Effect -- 4.2 Other possible models for the innovation -- 4.2.1 Reflexive impersonal passives -- 4.2.2 Aspectual modals with apparently passive morphology -- 4.2.3 Agreement with nominative objects -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Cross Germanic variation in the realm of support verbs -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Gøre-Support in Danish -- 3. Theoretical background -- 3.1 Merge and lexical information -- 3.2 Features -- 3.3 The operation Agree -- 3.4 The categorial phrase -- 4. The complement of the support verb is a root phrase -- 4.1 No negation or sentence adverb in the fronted phrase -- 4.2 The topicalized phrase and VP internal/VP external adverbials -- 4.3 VP Topicalization in languages where the subject is not in Spec-TP -- 4.4 Summary -- 5. The support verb is spelled-out little v.

5.1 Properties of the support verb equal properties of little v -- 5.2 Tense, Agree and little v -- 5.3 The relation little v - √P -- 5.4 Summary -- 6. Syntactic variation and support verbs -- 7. No VP Topicalization in Icelandic -- 8. Summary and conclusion -- References -- The shift to strict VO in English at the PF-interface -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Basic facts -- 2.1 From mixed OV/VO to strict VO -- 2.2 The fixation of strict VO and the loss of morphological case: Independent changes? -- 3. Previous accounts of the shift to strict VO in English -- 3.1 H(ead) C(omplement) P(arameter)-based account -- 3.2 U(niversal) B(ase) H(ypothesis)-based accounts -- 3.3 D(ouble) B(ase) H(ypothesis)-based accounts -- 3.4 Challenges to the previous accounts -- 4. Alternative: the PF locality condition on the insertion of null morphemes -- 4.1 The G&PF approach to strict OV/VO -- 4.2 Alternative: the PF locality -- 5. Predictions beyond OV/VO -- 5.1 The rise of case adjacency -- 5.2 The rise of strict head-initial PPs -- 5.3 The rise of ECM constructions -- 6. Apparent challenges to the PF-locality account -- 6.1 Why Dutch and German are strict word order languages -- 6.2 Why Dutch and German are strict OV languages -- 6.3 Adjacency in strict VO languages broken up by verb movement -- 6.4 Why English with strict VO allowed surface OV orders -- 7. Final remarks -- References -- Deriving reconstruction asymmetries in Across The Board by means of asymmetric extraction + ellipsis -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Resumptives in ATB-configurations -- 1.2 Gaps involve movement, resumption involves base-generation -- 2. Implications for the CSC and the analysis of ATB-extraction -- 2.1 The nature of the CSC -- 2.2 Unifying gap-resumptive combinations with asymmetric LF-movement -- 3. A reconstruction paradox in symmetrical ATB -- 3.1 Symmetrical reconstruction.

3.2 Asymmetrical reconstruction.