
Modes of Modality : Modality, typology, and universal grammar.
Title:
Modes of Modality : Modality, typology, and universal grammar.
Author:
Leiss, Elisabeth.
ISBN:
9789027270795
Personal Author:
Physical Description:
1 online resource (517 pages)
Series:
Studies in Language Companion Series ; v.149
Studies in Language Companion Series
Contents:
Modes of Modality -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- Introduction -- Elisabeth Leiss & Werner Abraham -- part i -- Formal properties of modality -- Interpreting modals by phase heads* -- Daigo Akiba -- Evidentiality straddling T- and C-domains* -- Nadia Varley -- part ii -- Typological surveys -- The syntax of modal polyfunctionality revisited -- Evidence from the languages of Europe -- Björn Hansen -- Mora da as a marker of modal meanings in Macedonian -- On correlations between categorial restrictions and morphosyntactic behaviour* -- Björn Wiemer -- Modal semantics and morphosyntax of the Latvian DEBITIVE -- Ilze Lokmane & Andra Kalnača -- Deontic or epistemic? habēre as a modal marker of future certainty in Macedonian -- Liljana Mitkovska & Eleni Bužarovska -- Epistemic, evidential and attitudinal markers in clause-medial position in Cantonese -- Foong Ha Yap & Winnie Oi-Wan Chor -- part iii -- Interfaces between mood and modality -- Modal particles in rationale clauses and related constructions* -- Patrick Grosz -- Modal particles in causal clauses -- The case of German weil wohl* -- Mathias Schenner & Frank Sode -- part iv -- Modality conceptualizations -- Enablement and possibility -- Raphael Salkie -- The modal category of sufficiency -- Chantal Melis -- part v -- Diachronic derivation -- From agent-oriented modality to sequential -- The polysemy of the marker ni in Kakabe (Mande) -- Alexandra Vydrina -- part vi -- Covert modality -- A rare case of covert modality -- Spoken Polish and the novel periphrastic past with mieć 'have' -- Werner Abraham & Jadwiga Piskorz -- (C)Overt epistemic modality and its perspectival effects on the textual surface* -- Sonja Zeman -- Dimensions of implicit modality in Igbo -- Chinedu Uchechukwu -- Introduction -- 1. General background.
2. Formal properties of root vs. epistemic and evidential modality -- 3. Modality in typological survey -- 4. Interfaces between speech act, conditional, and modality -- 5. Modality reconceptualized -- 6. Covert modality -- References -- Interpreting modals by phase heads* -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Root vs. epistemic modals -- 2.1 Structural positions -- 2.2 Scope -- 2.2.1 Tense -- 2.2.2 Adverbs -- 2.2.3 Quantifiers -- 2.3 Interim summary -- 3. The phase-based approach to modal interpretations -- 3.1 Phase-by-phase modal interpretation -- 3.2 Butler's (2003) analysis -- 3.3 Modal interpretations by phase heads -- 4. Conclusion -- Abbreviations -- References -- Evidentiality straddling T- and C-domains* -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Approaching the object of inquiry -- 2.1 What is evidentiality? -- 2.2 Evidential types -- 2.3 The ASP/TNS/Mood triplet and evidentiality -- 2.3.1 Theoretical background -- 2.3.2 The perfect paradigm and evidentiality -- 2.3.3 Usages of the -l morpheme in Bulgarian -- 2.3.4 On mirativity -- 2.3.5 Modality and evidentiality -- 3. The proposal -- 3.1 Speas (2004) -- 3.2 Deixis -- 3.3 On the 1/2PRSN vs. 3PRSN asymmetry -- 3.4 Person geometry and evidential "vouchers" -- 3.5 The structural position(s) of evidentiality -- 3.5.1 Epistemic and root modality -- 3.5.2 A pervasive asymmetry: i-EVID vs. h-EVID -- 3.5.2.1 The doings of the left periphery. The main claim of this paper is that there is a sharp distinction to be drawn between hearsay/quotative evidentiality and inferential evidentiality (with mirativity yet a way higher, cf. 2.3.4). This also means t -- 3.5.2.2 Explaining (and redressing) the 'boojum'. In a sequence of papers, Friedman (1982, 1986, 2001) consistently argues that the Bulgarian evidential is an elusive 'boojum', and auxiliary suppliance in conjunction with -l participles subject to (styli.
3.6 Interim considerations -- 4. Crossroads of evidentiality -- 4.1 Logophoricity, logophoric domains, and control -- 5. Concluding remarks -- Abbreviations -- References -- The syntax of modal polyfunctionality revisited -- 0. Introduction -- 1. The typological data -- 2. Approaches to modal polyfunctionality -- 2.1 The tradition in Germanic linguistics -- 2.2 The typological perspective -- 3. A classificatory typology of modal constructions -- 3.1 Subject encoding -- 3.2 INFL: Subject-predicate agreement -- 3.2.1 Subject-predicate agreement marking in modal constructions without copula -- 3.2.2 Subject-predicate agreement marking in modal constructions with copula -- 3.3 INFL: Tense (TAM) marking -- 4. Searching for syntactic features that correlate with modal polyfunctionality -- 4.1 Modals and the auxiliary-main verb distinction -- 4.2 Modals and complexity mismatch (raising vs. control) -- 4.3 Modals and the coherence of verbal complexes -- 5. Conclusion -- Abbreviations -- References -- Mora da as a marker of modal meanings in Macedonian -- 1. Introduction and formulation of the task -- 2. Mac. mora (da): A survey of its meaning range and syntactic behaviour -- 2.1 On the Macedonian system of TAM-forms and grammatical evidentiality -- 2.2 mora da and restrictions on AT-forms -- 2.2.1 The perfects -- 2.2.2 Aspect (pfv.: Ipfv.) in the present tense -- 2.2.3 Confirmative past tenses -- 2.2.4 Future and conditional/potential -- 2.2.5 Interim summary -- 3. Lexical vs. grammatical status of mora (da) -- 3.1 Stepwise reduction of verbal features on mora -- 3.2 Other distributional facts -- 4. Conclusions -- Abbreviations in glosses (not covered by the Leipzig Glossing Rules) -- References -- Modal semantics and morphosyntax of the Latvian DEBITIVE -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The grammatical moods in Latvian -- 3. Description of the Latvian debitive.
3.1 Sub-moods of the debitive -- 3.1.1 Combination of the debitive and oblique -- 3.1.2 Combination of the debitive and conditional -- 3.2 The debitive in the passive voice -- 3.3 Problems of description of the debitive in Latvian grammars -- 4. The debitive and modality -- 4.1 The root modality reading -- 4.2 The epistemic modality reading -- 4.3 Modal and evidential meanings of the debitive combinations -- 5. Distributional traits of the debitive -- 5.1 The argument structure in debitive constructions -- 5.2 The choice between the Nominative or Accusative argument -- 5.3 The debitive and patterns of agreement -- 6. Concluding remarks -- Abbreviations -- References -- Deontic or epistemic? habēre as a modal marker of future certainty in Macedonian -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Theoretical background -- 3. Goals and methodology -- 4. Grammaticalization of ima -- 4.1 Components of ima da-constructions -- 4.2 Overview of the grammaticalization stages -- 5. The semantics of uninflected ima -- 5.1 Uninflected ima compared to closely related modal expressions -- 5.2 The meaning of 'future certainty' as a distinctive mark of uninflected ima -- 6. Semantic differences between inflected and uninflected constructions -- 7. Conclusion: Uninflected ima as a marker of futural epistemic necessity -- Abbreviations -- References -- Epistemic, evidential and attitudinal markers in clause-medial position in Cantonese -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Epistemic, evidential and attitudinal parentheticals derived from complement-taking psych verbs -- 2.1 Parenthetical epistemic marker ngo5 gok3dak1 'I feel/think' -- 2.2 Parenthetical epistemic and evidential marker (ngo5) paa3 'I'm afraid' -- 2.3 Parenthetical attitudinal marker (ngo5) m4zi1 ('I don't know') -- 2.4 Insubordination, subject ellipsis, topic constructions, and the grammaticalization of parenthetical stance markers.
3. Postverbal directional particles as attitudinal markers -- 3.1 Postverbal faan1 as a marker of speaker's positive evaluation -- 3.2 Postverbal maai4 as a marker of speaker's pejorative attitude -- 3.3 Verbal complementation and the emergence of postverbal attitudinal particles -- 4. Summary discussion and conclusion -- Acknowledgements -- Abbreviations -- References -- Modal particles in rationale clauses and related constructions* -- 1. Background: On the connection between force, modality and mood -- 2. The core puzzle: 'Imperative particles' in rationale clauses -- 2.1 Introducing the German particles 'ruhig', 'JA' and 'bloß' -- 2.2 Rationale clauses with 'ruhig', 'ja' and 'bloß' - The empirical scope -- 2.3 Rationale clauses with 'ruhig', 'JA' and 'bloß' - The core puzzle -- 3. The solution in a nutshell -- 4. Rationale clauses as modalized expressions -- 4.1 Introducing the rationale clause modal -- 4.2 The variable nature of the rationale clause modal -- 5. bloß/JA/ruhig as modal modifiers -- 5.1 The general pattern -- 5.2 The semantics of 'bloß'/'JA'/'ruhig' -- 5.3 A note on the formal implementation -- 6. Alternative views -- 6.1 Portner (2012) -- 6.2 Schwager (2010) -- 7. Conclusion -- References -- Modal particles in causal clauses -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Theoretical background -- 2.1 Causal clauses -- 2.2 Modal particles -- 3. Modal particles in causal clauses -- 3.1 Modal particles and Force-based licensing -- 3.2 Causal clauses may contain illocutionary wohl -- 3.3 On the semantic clash of weil and wohl -- 4. Dynamics to the rescue: Toward solving the puzzle -- 5. Conclusion and further directions -- References -- Enablement and possibility -- 0. Introduction -- 1. Enablement -- 2. Enablement in different languages -- 3. Theoretical implications -- 3.1 Necessary conditions -- 3.2 Does can express a type of "root" modality?.
3.3 Impliciture, saturation and free enrichment.
Abstract:
Modality is one of the grammatical categories in Igbo language studies that received the least attention within the last century. There is, however, a growing awareness that the category of modality is expressed in the language through specific verbs and suffixes that have recently been (re-)categorised as modal verbs and modal suffixes, respectively (Uchechukwu 2008, 2011). This paper explores further the issue of modality in Igbo by focusing on the constructions and lexical items that could be involved in the implicit expression of modality in the language. The different types of constructions include wh-complement, simple relative clause, and purpose clause constructions. Lexically, the verb -kwé 'agree' can be used to implicitly encode varying degrees of modal possibility. An additional lexical item that encodes implicit modality is the bound verb complement (BVC) (Nwachukwu 1987) or bound cognate noun (BCN) (Emenanjo 1978), which is a verbal derivative that is formed through a reduplication of the verb root. The insight from this investigation is that the Igbo language need not be classified as belonging to those languages with 'sparse modality'; instead, it can be described as fully possessing the grammatical category of modality, expressed both implicitly and explicitly.
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Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, Michigan : ProQuest Ebook Central, 2017. Available via World Wide Web. Access may be limited to ProQuest Ebook Central affiliated libraries.
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