
Lexicon–Syntax Interface : Perspectives from South Asian languages.
Title:
Lexicon–Syntax Interface : Perspectives from South Asian languages.
Author:
Chandra, Pritha.
ISBN:
9789027270825
Personal Author:
Physical Description:
1 online resource (283 pages)
Series:
Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today ; v.209
Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today
Contents:
The Lexicon-Syntax Interface -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- Acknowledgement -- The lexicon-syntax interface -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The pre-minimalist lexicon -- 3. Toward a minimal lexicon -- 4. Features of South Asian Languages (SALs) -- 5. The contribution of the present volume -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- Property concepts and the apparent lack of adjectives in Dravidian* -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Missing adjectives in Malayalam and other languages -- 2.1 The basic paradigm in Malayalam -- 2.1.1 Distribution of Class1 and Class2 roots -- 2.2 Missing predicative adjectives in Dravidian -- 2.3 Japanese adjectives -- 3. The analysis -- 3.1 Derivation of Class1 words -- 3.1.1 Comparative constructions -- 3.1.2 Lack of secondary predications -- 3.2 Class1 roots in predicative position -- 3.2.1 Lack of adjectival ordering restrictions -- 3.3 Class2 roots -- 4. Conclusion -- References -- Adjective-fronting as evidence for Focus and Topic within the Bangla nominal domain -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Phrasal movement within the nominal -- 2.1 Against a couple of alternative ways of explaining the phrasal movement -- 3. FocusP and TopicP within the nominal domain -- 3.1 Evidence for a fixed Focus position -- 3.2 TopicP within the nominal domain -- 3.3 Evidence that Focus and Topic are not outside the nominal domain -- 3.4 Mechanism -- 3.5 Comparison with the clausal domain -- 4. From the 'lexical'-'functional' and 'syntactic' perspective -- 5. Conclusion -- 6. Further research -- Acknowledgements -- References -- Rich results -- 1. Introduction* -- 2. Theoretical assumptions -- 2.1 A first phase representation of eventive predicates -- 2.2 Light predicates and rich results -- 2.3 Dative possessors and the have~be alternation -- 3. A first phase account of bar- 'come'.
3.1 bar- as a verb of self-initiated directed motion -- 3.2 bar- in the experiencer dative construction -- 3.3 bar- as a stative verb -- 4. The representation of stative verbs -- 4.1 The init projection -- 4.2 A result phrase for achievement verbs -- 5. Aag- as 'come to be,' 'come to pass' or 'come to have' -- 5.1 The 'happen' and 'become' interpretations of aag- -- 6. The possessor/ experiencer as resultee -- 6.1 A double object construction in Kannada -- 6.2 The experiencer as resultee -- 6.3 Conclusion -- References -- Lexical semantics of transitivizing light verbs in Telugu -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The theoretical landscape: First Phase Syntax -- 2.1 Functional decomposition of verbs -- 2.2 Lexical insertion as phrasal spell-out -- 3. Aspectual light verbs in Telugu -- 3.1 Selectional restrictions on the aspectuals -- 3.2 A First Phase Analysis of the selectional restrictions on the aspectual complex predicates -- 4. The 3 transitivizer light verbs in Telugu -- 4.1 A First Phase analysis of the transitivizer complex predicates -- 4.1.1 paDa.veyyi: Aspectual light verb formed using a transitivizer -- 4.2 The 3 transitivers have 3 inceptual meanings: Inception, Continuation, and, Completion -- 4.3 Inceptual meanings: Evidence from Bangla -- 4.3.1 Structural meaning vs. Lexical-conceptual meaning -- 5. Transitivizer light verbs vs. Causative suffix -- 5.1 Causative suffix -inc and aspectual light verbs -- 5.2 Transitivizing using -inc vs. light verbs -- 6. Transitivizer light verbs in nominal complex predicates -- 6.1 Nominal complex predicates in Telugu -- 6.2 Transitivizer light verb + Nominal element -- 7. Conclusion -- References -- Ditransitive structures in Hindi/Urdu -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The status of the two objects -- 3. The thematic structure of the ditransitive: Prepositional dative Vs. the double object.
4. The structure of Hindi/Urdu ditransitive -- 5. Surface word-order and Asymmetrical relation between the objects -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- Is Kashmiri passive really passive? -- 1. Introduction -- 2. What is a passive construction? -- 2.1 Approaches to Passivization -- 3. Kashmiri passives -- 3.1 Passive with Light Verb & Modals -- 3.2 Choice between -sI:t' & zaryi/athi -- 3.3 Transitivity & Passive -- 3.4 (In)abilitative passives -- 4. Status of the Subject and the Object in Kashmiri Passive -- 5. Status of the Implicit/Optional Agent in Passive: -- 6. Canonical Passive vs Kashmiri Passive vs SALs Passive -- 6.1 Is Passivization a Detransitivization/Intransitivization Process? -- 7. Final Remarks -- References -- Middles in the syntax -- 1. Introducing Hindi-Urdu middles -- 2. Middle-passive overlap -- 2.1 No middle-passive overlap in Hindi-Urdu -- 2.2 More on Hindi-Urdu passives -- 3. Middle formation in two modules -- 3.1 A two-modular approach and its problems -- 4. A syntactic alternative -- 4.1 More on overlap with passives -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Not so high -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Causative alternation -- 2. The status of the causee -- 2.1 Hindi -- 2.2 Kashmiri -- 2.3 Punjabi -- 2.4 Manipuri -- 2.5 Previous analyses of Hindi causative: Causee as an adjunct -- 3. Position of the causee -- 4. The status of instrumental/ablative marked causee vs. instrument -- 4.1 Hindi -- 4.2 Kashmiri -- 4.3 Punjabi -- 4.4 Manipuri -- 5. Voice in the analysis of causative -- 6. Conclusion -- Acknowledgements -- References -- Agreement and verb types in Kutchi Gujarati* -- 1. Background on φ-agreement in Indo-Aryan languages -- 2. A dual probe system for Kutchi Gujarati and Marwari -- 2.1 The basic alignment patterns -- 2.2 Future perfect, present perfect and dual probes -- 2.3 Past vs future.
2.4 On the optionality of aspectual information -- 2.5 Interim summary -- 3. Extension to non-canonical agreement configurations -- 3.1 Lexical case interacts with agreement in Kutchi Gujarati -- 3.2 Agreement with psych predicates in Kutchi Gujarati -- 3.3 'Long distance agreement' in Kutchi Gujarati -- 3.3.1 Two possible analyses of the modal par -- 3.3.2 par does not assign a theta role -- 3.3.3 par does not combine with light verbs -- 3.3.4 par constructions cannot passivize -- 3.3.5 par does not exhibit selectional variability -- 3.3.6 Agreement with par is not long distance -- 3.3.7 The lack of person agreement in modal constructions -- 4. Conclusion -- References -- Markedness and syncretism in Kashmiri differential argument encoding -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Kashmiri case-marking and clitic systems -- 3. Sharma 2001: An analysis of Kashmiri DAE -- 4. Non-zero/non-zero alternations -- 5. Underspecification and syncretism: A revised approach to Kashmiri DAE -- 5.1 Orientation -- 5.2 Kashmiri case decomposition and case/clitic vocabulary items -- 5.3 A DM-based account of Kashmiri DAE -- 5.4 Conditions on cliticization -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- Author index -- Subject index.
Abstract:
The pronominal clitic system in Kashmiri takes the form of set of verbal suffixes conditioned by the case of the coreferent DP. This system interacts in unexpected ways with differential argument encoding (DAE) in Kashmiri, in which the case-marking of objects in non-perfective aspects is dependent on a person hierarchy. I will follow in spirit Aissen's (2003) approach to DAE as adapted to Kashmiri in Sharma (2001), however I will argue that the particulars of the Kashmiri clitic system force us to adopt an account couched not in the syntax, but in the post-syntactic component of the grammar. Keine and Müller (2008) propose that DAE is a phenomenon of the morphology-syntax interface, employing harmonic alignment of scales within framework of Distributed Morphology (Halle & Marantz 1993, 1994). I argue here that an otherwise mysterious set of clitic syncretisms in Kashmiri, including the overlap in the marking of ergative subjects and accusative objects, find explanation if we consider Kashmiri DAE not as an instance of differential marking in the narrow syntax, but instead as a as a non-zero/non-zero alternation resulting from the interaction of morphological processes and a system of optimization at the morphology-syntax interface.
Local Note:
Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, Michigan : ProQuest Ebook Central, 2017. Available via World Wide Web. Access may be limited to ProQuest Ebook Central affiliated libraries.
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