Empirical Approaches to Language Typology -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Preface -- Acknowledgements -- Table of Contents -- Part I: Propaedeutics -- Early encounters: Egyptian-Coptic studies and comparative linguistics in the century from Schlegel to Finck -- 1 On the threshold and one step further -- 2 Humboldt's "reception of the Champollionian turn" -- 3 Lepsius and the birth of Egyptology from the spirit of comparative linguistics -- 4 The place of Egyptian-Coptic in post-Humboldtianlanguage classification: General remarks -- 5 The place of Egyptian-Coptic in post-Humboldtianlanguage classification: Three examples -- 5.1 Steinthal 1850 and 1860 -- 5.2 Whitney 1867 -- 5.3 Oppert 1879 -- 6 Historical linguistics and grammar of Egyptian still in their infancy -- 7 Ewald on the equality of languages and the typological change from Hinterbau toVorderbau in Egyptian -- 8 Solutions and dissolutions: Egyptian linguistics at the dawn of the Berliner Schule -- 9 The new achievements of Egyptian lingustics as echoed by linguistic typology: From Misteli to Finck -- 10 Outlook -- 11 References -- The Egyptian-Coptic language: its setting in space, time and culture -- 1 Genealogical affiliations -- 2 Diachrony -- 2.1 An overview of the major stages of Egyptian-Coptic -- 2.1.1 Old Egyptian (including Archaic Egyptian or "pre-Old Egyptian") -- 2.1.2 Middle Egyptian -- 2.1.3 Late Egyptian -- 2.1.4 Demotic -- 2.1.5 Coptic -- 3 Dialects and intradialectal variation -- 4 Language contact -- 5 Writing systems -- 5.1 Hieroglyphs -- 5.2 Hieratic (and cursive hieroglyphs) -- 5.3 The Demotic script -- 5.4 The Coptic script -- 5.5 Other, non-native scripts -- 6 Concluding remarks -- 7 References -- A grammatical overview of Egyptian and Coptic -- 1 Salient grammatical patterns of Middle Egyptian -- 1.1 Consonant inventory -- 1.2 Word order.

1.3 Gender and number -- 1.4 Reference, predication and attribution: nouns, verbs and adjectives -- 1.5 Personal pronouns and full NPs -- 1.6 Verbal arguments -- 1.7 Noun phrase structure -- 1.8 Nonverbal predication -- 1.9 Verbal predication -- 1.10 Postverbal-subject clauses -- 1.11 Relative clauses -- 2 Salient grammatical patterns of Coptic -- 2.1 Anasynthesis in Later Egyptian -- 2.2 Coptic sounds and stress groups -- 2.3 Personal pronouns and full NPs -- 2.4 Noun phrase structure -- 2.5 Nonverbal predication -- 2.6 Relative clauses -- 2.7 Circumstantial and focalizing constructions -- 3 References -- The Leipzig-Jerusalem Transliteration of Coptic -- 1 Introduction -- 2 What's transliteration? -- 3 Why transliterate Coptic? -- 4 Our proposal -- 5 Possible questions -- 5.1 Why aren't IPA characters used? -- 5.2 Why are you using superscript letters? -- 5.3 Why use c and č for ϭ and ϫ? -- 5.4 What about abbreviations? -- 6 Presenting Coptic examples -- 6.1 If the transliteration allows an adequate construction of the Coptic text, why bother giving the Coptic text in the examples? -- 6.2 How does the morpheme-by-morpheme glossing work when a single letter represents sounds in two different morphemes, e.g., 'the thing'? -- 7 Some examples -- 8 Final comments -- 9 References -- Part II: Studies -- Conditionals in Late Egyptian -- 1 ỉr-conditionals -- 1.1 ỉr-conditionals: on form -- 1.2 Comments on ỉr -- 1.3 ỉr-conditionals: on meaning -- 1.4 From conditional perfection to concessive readings ofỉr-conditionals -- 1.4.1 Conditional perfection -- 1.4.2 Concessive Conditionals -- 2 ỉnn-conditionals -- 2.1 ỉnn-conditionals: on form -- 2.2 ỉnn-conditionals: on meaning -- 3 hn-conditionals -- 3.1 hn-conditionals: on form -- 3.2 hn-conditionals: on meaning -- 4 Conclusion -- 5 References -- A typological look at Egyptian -- 1 Presentation of the problem.

2 Pharyngeals and pharyngealization in the languages of the world -- 3 How might a change d › ʕ come about? -- 4 Reflections on method -- 5 References -- No case before the verb, obligatory case after the verb in Coptic -- 1 No case before the verb in Coptic -- 2 Encoding grammatical relations in Coptic: indexing and case-marking -- 2.1 Argument Indexing -- 2.2 Argument Incorporation -- 2.3 Case-marking -- 2.4 Preverbal lexical arguments and case-marking -- 2.5 Interim summary -- 2.6 Linear order -- 3 Frequency -- 4 Does Coptic have a "marked-nominative" system? -- 5 A brief word on the diachrony of Differential Subject Marking in Coptic -- 6 No case before the verb in northeast Africa -- 7 Concluding remarks -- 8 References -- Tom Güldemann - How typology can inform philology: quotative j(n) in Earlier Egyptian -- 1 Egyptian j(n) as a grammatically versatile element -- 1.1 Quotative j(n) through Egyptian history -- 1.2 A case for identificational jn in Egyptian -- 1.3 The history of jn in previous accounts -- 2 Quotative sources from a typological perspective -- 2.1 Basic morphosyntactic types of quotative indexes -- 2.2 Different origins of nuclear elements of quotative indexes -- 2.3 Speaker-oriented quotative indexes and their possible historical development -- 3 A different historical look at Egyptian j(n) -- 3.1 A new scenario for quotative j(n) -- 3.2 Akkadian enma/umma - a parallel in the neighborhood -- 3.3 Summary -- 4 References -- Martin Haspelmath - The three adnominal possessive constructions in Egyptian-Coptic: Three degrees of grammaticalization -- 1 Introduction -- 2 The three adnominal possessive constructions in Coptic -- 2.1 The Direct Possessive Construction -- 2.2 The Short Possessive Construction -- 2.3 The Long Possessive Construction -- 3 Grammaticalization: Three key properties.

4 The Direct Possessive Construction: old and highly restricted -- 4.1 Direct Possessive Construction with full-NP possessor -- 4.2 Direct Possessive Construction with pronominal possessor -- 4.3 Restriction of possessive constructions to inalienable contexts -- 5 The Short Possessive Construction: Newer but again restricted -- 5.1 With full-NP possessor (Short Genitive Construction) -- 5.2 With pronominal possessor (Possessive-Article Construction) -- 5.3 Restrictions on the Short Possessive Construction -- 6 The Long Possessive Construction (nte-) -- 7 Conclusion -- 8 References -- Dmitry Idiatov - Egyptian non-selective interrogative pronominals: history and typology -- 1 Introduction -- 2 The challenges of the pre-Coptic Egyptian writing systems -- 3 A typology of non-selective interrogative pronominals -- 4 Egyptian non-selective interrogative pronominals:formal differentiation of 'who?' and 'what?' -- 4.1 From Old Egyptian to Coptic: an overview -- 4.1.1 Old and Middle Egyptian -- 4.1.2 Late and Demotic Egyptian -- 4.1.3 Coptic Egyptian -- 4.2 Egyptian NIPs allowing for a lack of differentiation between 'who?' and 'what?' -- 4.2.1 m 'who?, what?' -- 4.2.2 pw 'who?, what?' and related forms -- 4.2.3 The 'who?, what?' use of zy (and the like) -- 5 Egyptian non-selective interrogative pronominals:functional differentiation of 'who?' and 'what?' -- 6 Conclusion: Egyptian non-selective interrogativepronominals from the Afroasiatic perspective -- 7 References -- Typological remodeling in Egyptian language history: salience, source and conjunction -- 1 Salience and source: the morphemes jn and m-‛ -- 2 The morpheme jw as conjunction -- 3 References -- Towards a typology of poetic rhyme - With observations on rhyme in Egyptian -- 1 Terminology and definitions -- 1.1 Rhyme and metre -- 1.2 Defining rhyme -- 1.3 The position of the identical segments.

1.3.1 Initial rhyme -- 1.3.2 Variations on initial rhyme: Alliteration, alphabetic acrostic -- 1.3.3 Internal rhyme -- 2 Geographical distribution and evolution of end rhyme -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Hittite -- 2.3 Chinese -- 2.4 Hebrew -- 2.5 Old South Arabian -- 2.6 Aramaic -- 2.7 Arabic -- 2.8 Latin -- 2.9 Celtic -- 2.10 German -- 2.11 Old Norse -- 2.12 Iranian -- 2.13 Sanskrit -- 2.14 Conclusion -- 2.15 Rhyme outside of poetry -- 3 Parametric variation of end rhyme across languages -- 3.1 Rhyme phonology -- 3.1.1 Underdifferentiation of vowels -- 3.1.2 Underdifferentiation of consonants -- 3.1.3 Rhyme as a criterion for hierarchizing distinctive phonological features? -- 3.1.4 Transitivity -- 3.2 Size of identical section -- 3.3 May sections longer than the minimum requirement be identical? -- 3.4 Restrictions against trivial rhymes -- 3.5 Words not useable in rhyme position -- 3.6 Additional restrictions or rules -- 3.7 Construction of stanzas -- 4 Rhyme in Egyptian -- 4.1 Alliteration -- 4.2 Sporadic end rhyme in Earlier Egyptian? -- 4.3 End rhyme in Bohairic Coptic -- 4.4 End rhyme in the Sahidic Triadon -- 5 References -- The Old and Early Middle Egyptian Stative - Morphosyntax Semantics Typology -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Paradigm structure and the morphological status of subject agreement markers -- 2.1 Overview: Two finite verb paradigms -- 2.2 Evidence for the loss of person markers and number neutralization -- 2.2.1 The 1st person plural endings -nw and -wn -- 2.2.2 The loss of the dual-plural distinction in the second person -- 2.3 Grammatical agreement vs. pronominal agreement -- 2.3.1 Absence of complementarity -- 2.3.2 The non-ambiguous status of full NP subject-Stative sentences -- 2.3.3 The first/second vs. third person split in subject omissibility ("pro-drop") -- 2.3.4 Pronoun dropping and information structure.

3 Related morphological and syntactic properties.