Studies in Generative Grammar -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Preface -- Table of Contents -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Basic Architecture of Deriving Anaphoric Relations via Move -- 2.1 Pro-Movement -- 2.2 Restrictions on Dependency -- 2.2.1 Upward Movement: Deriving Condition C Effects -- 2.2.2 Sideward Movement: Deriving Non-C-Commanding Anaphora -- 2.2.3 Across-the-Board Movement: Deriving Weakest Crossover -- 2.2.4 Standard Weak Crossover Revisited -- 2.2.5 Minimality: Deriving Strong Crossover -- 3 Deriving Cases of Barss's (1986) Chain Obviation Condition -- 3.1 Advantages of Barss's (1986) Chain Obviation Condition -- 3.2 Deriving the Cases of the COC by the Movement Theory -- 4 Do A- and A'-Movement Reconstruct? -- 4.1 An Apparent Paradox Regarding A-Movement Reconstruction -- 4.2 Reconstruction regarding Negative Conditions -- 5 Locality of Empty Pronouns in Japanese -- 5.1 Locality of Empty Pronouns -- 5.2 A-Pro as a Bound Variable -- 5.3 Deriving the SSC Effect from A-Movement -- 5.4 Implications for the Pro-Drop Parameter -- 6 Evidence for Operator Movement of Pro -- 6.1 Multiple Occurrences of Generic Pro -- 6.2 A Unification of Anaphoric and Generic Pro in Operator Movement -- 6.3 Operator Movement of Pro and the Locality with Its Antecedent -- 7 An Extension to the NOC Cases of PRO -- 7.1 Lebeaux's (1984) Theory of PRO -- 7.2 Incorporating the NOC Cases of PRO into the Movement Theory -- 7.3 An Overall Picture of the Theory of Pro/PRO -- 8 A Movement Theory of Reflexives -- 8.1 Lexical Ambiguity of Zibun: Pure Anaphor or Logophor -- 8.2 A Movement Theory of Zibun -- 8.3 Multiple Occurrences of Zibun -- 8.4 Multiple Occurrences of Generic Zibun -- 9 Conclusions -- References -- Index.