Weak Referentiality -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of content -- List of contributors -- List of abbreviations -- Advances in weak referentiality -- 1. Weak referentiality -- 2. Weak referential properties -- 3. The papers in this volume -- 3.1 Indefinites -- 3.2 Incorporation -- 3.3 Predication -- 3.4 Number -- 3.5 (Weak) definites -- 4. Conclusion -- References -- Modal inferences in marked indefinites -- 1. Corpus study -- 1.1 Haspelmath's implicational map -- 1.2 The corpus -- 1.3 Results -- 1.4 Discussion -- 2. On the meaning of irgend-indefinites -- 3. Conclusion -- References -- Epistemic and scopal properties of some indefinites -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Some indefinites and (non-)specificity -- 3. Study 1: Long-distance scope -- 3.1 Methodology -- 3.1.1 Experimental contexts and corresponding predictions -- 3.1.2 Test lists -- 3.1.3 Participants and procedure -- 3.2 Results -- 3.3 Discussion -- 4. Study 2: Epistemic and scopal (non-)specificity -- 4.1 Methodology -- 4.1.1 Experimental contexts and corresponding predictions -- 4.2 Test lists -- 4.2.1 Participants and procedure -- 4.3 Results -- 4.3.1 Results on epistemic (non-)specificity -- 4.4 Results on scopal (non-)specificity -- 4.5 Discussion -- 5. General discussion -- 6. Conclusion and directions for further research -- References -- Antonymic prepositions and weak referentiality -- 0. Introduction -- 1. Weak referentiality -- 2. A logistic regression analysis of mit and ohne -- 2.1 The sense inventory -- 2.2 Logistic regression modelling and annotation mining -- 2.3 Random effects in the model -- 3. Weak referentiality and the distribution of determiner omission -- 3.1 Distribution of determiner omission over different senses -- 3.2 Negative contexts -- 4. Adjectives and omission -- 5. Conclusion -- References.

Weak referentiality and Russian instrumental nominals -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The data and the framework -- 2.1 Romance bare predicates -- 2.2 Russian instrumental case -- 2.3 Syntactic structure for bare predicates -- 3. Additional weak and weak referential nominals in instr case -- 3.1 Nominal adjuncts -- 3.2 Cognate adjuncts -- 3.3 Manner cognate objects -- 3.3.1 Manner COs with unergative verbs -- 3.3.2 Two types of manner COs with unaccusative verbs -- 3.3.3 Manner COs with adnominal genitives -- 4. Concluding remarks -- References -- Predicate nominals in Papiamentu -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Predicate nominals -- 3. Bare count nouns -- 3.1 Bare singulars -- 3.2 Bare plurals -- 4. The structure of bare nominals -- 4.1 Bare singulars and bare plurals interpreted as kinds -- 4.2 Bare plurals in Papiamentu: Examining nan more closely -- 5. Analyzing predicate nominals -- 6. Summary and remaining problems -- References -- Many a plural -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The plural in English -- 3. The classifying plural in Arabic -- 4. The plural in singulative systems -- 5. The plural distributed -- 6. Conclusion -- Acknowledgments -- References -- Telic definites and their prepositions -- 1. Telic definites in French -- 1.1 Weak definites as functional definites -- 1.2 Telic vs locative definites -- 2. Telic definites in Serbian -- 2.1 Expressing (in)definiteness in Serbian -- 2.2 Telic constructions in Serbian -- 2.3 Prepositions used in telic constructions in Serbian -- 2.4 The bare nouns of Serbian telic readings are functional definite NPs -- 2.5 Telic readings and the selection of the preposition: na and u -- 3. Conclusion -- References -- How weak and how definite are Weak Definites? -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The properties of weak definites -- 3. Co-varying interpretations of definites -- 4. Reference to kinds of events.

4.1 Bare singulars, incorporation, and established activities -- 4.2 The semantics of kind terms -- 4.3 Verb phrases as expressing kinds of events -- 4.4 Further properties of weak definites in light of the present analysis -- 4.5 Loose ends -- 4.5.1 Open issues -- 4.5.2 Comparison to Aguilar-Guevara and Zwarts (2011) -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Modified weak definites -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Weak definites and reference to kinds -- 2.1 Sloppy readings -- 2.2 Lexical restrictions -- 2.3 Restrictions on modification -- 3. Kind-level adjectives -- 3.1 Relational adjectives -- 3.2 A semantics for RAs -- 4. Testing modification and sloppy readings -- 4.1 Experiment 1. Testing I-adjectives -- 4.1.1 Materials -- 4.1.2 Method -- 4.1.3 Predictions -- 4.1.4 Analysis and item selection -- 4.2 Experiment 2. Testing kind-level adjectives -- 4.2.1 Materials -- 4.2.2 Method -- 4.2.3 Predictions -- 4.3 Results -- 4.4 Discussion -- 5. Conclusions -- Acknowledgments -- References -- Functional frames in the interpretation of weak nominals -- 1. Weak definites -- 2. Weak nominals as referring to kinds -- 3. Weak nominals as referring to functions -- 4. Weak nominals as referring to roles in frames -- 5. Weak nominals: Final remarks -- References -- Unscrambling the lexical nature of weak definiteness -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Definiteness and direct object scrambling in Dutch -- 3. Behavioral evidence for Dutch scrambling -- 4. Operationalizing lexical connectedness -- 4.1 Semantic integration -- Description -- Data collection -- Results -- 4.2 Object cloze probability -- Description -- Data collection -- Results -- 4.3 Verb cloze probability -- Description -- Data collection -- Results -- 4.4 Object-verb pair cloze probability -- Description -- Data collection -- Results -- 4.5 Item groups -- 5. Lexical connectedness and weak definiteness -- 6. Discussion.

7. Conclusion -- Acknowledgments -- References -- Appendix A -- Inalienable possession -- 1. Introduction -- 2. French facts -- 2.1 Three constructions -- 2.2 Syntactic constraints -- 2.3 Lexical constraints -- 3. Previous analyses -- 3.1 Guéron (1983, 1985) -- 3.2 Vergnaud and Zubizarreta (1992) -- 3.3 Discussion -- 4. Our proposal -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 The uniqueness challenge -- 4.2.1 The lexical semantics of nouns like hand -- 4.2.2 Combining nouns like hand with determiners -- Combining determiners with the basic non-relational semantics of hand -- Combining determiners with the standard relational semantics of hand -- Combining determiners with the implicitly relational version of hand -- Combining determiners with the abstract relational interpretation of hand -- 4.2.3 Summary -- 4.3 The variation challenge -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Basque nominals -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Nominals and the definite determiner in Standard Basque -- 3. Nominals in Souletin -- 3.1 The use of the definite determiner in Souletin -- 3.2 Existential interpretation: D-less nominals in Souletin (are DPs) -- 3.3 Evidence that Souletin BNs are syntactically DPs -- 4. The denotation of BNs in Souletin (and Standard Basque) -- 4.1 Numerals/Weak Quantifiers + BNs -- 4.2 Predicative uses of BNs -- 4.3 Compounding -- 4.4 BNs in Basque vs. BNs in East Asian languages -- 5. From Souletin to Standard Basque -- 5.1 Motivation 1: Loss of null D -- 5.2 Motivation 2: Number morphology -- 5.3 On why the Basque definite article is on D, and not below -- 6. Conclusions -- References -- Referential properties of definites and salience spreading -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Reference and electrophysiology -- 2.1 Definite vs. indefinite expressions -- 2.2 Inherently definite expressions -- 2.3 Ontological features -- 2.4 Enriched composition -- 3. Salience spreading.

3.1 ERP study -- 3.1.1 Methods -- 3.1.2 Results of the ERP Data -- 3.2 Discussion -- 4. Implications for investigations of weak definites -- Acknowledgements -- References -- Index.