Chapter I. The theoretical background: Kayne's (1994) "Antisymmetry of Syntax" -- 0. Introduction -- 1. X-bar theory in the Principles and Parameters framework -- 1.1. Dominance versus linear order: the directionality parameters -- 1.2. "Invisible" nodes -- 1.3. Binary branching -- 2. Some empirical evidence -- 2.1. Against adjunction -- 2.2. Against multiple sister complements -- 2.3. Against rightward adjunction -- 3. Kayne's (1994) Antisymmetry -- 3.1. The Linear Correspondence Axiom -- 3.2. Consequences for phrase structure -- 3.3. Consequences for linear order -- 4. Other theoretical assumptions -- 5. Summary -- Chapter II. Restrictive relative clauses -- 0. Introduction -- 1. The adjunct analysis -- 2. Kayne's (1994) raising analysis -- 2.1. The DP hypothesis -- 2.2. The hypothesis of the external determiner -- 2.3. The raising of the relative "head" -- 3. Evidence for the external determiner -- 3.1. Licensing of a definite D° -- 3.2. Indefiniteness of the relative trace -- 3.3. Idiom chunks -- 3.4. Scope assignment under reconstruction -- 3.5. Floating quantifiers -- 3.6. An alternative analysis -- 4. Evidence for raising -- 4.1. Idiomatic expressions -- 4.2. Predicate nominals -- 4.3. Reconstruction for binding -- 4.4. The problem of the trigger -- 5. A locality problem -- 5.1. Barriers -- 5.2. Head-to-head dependencies -- 5.3. Concluding remarks -- 6. Cross-linguistic evidence in favour of the raising analysis -- 6.1. Internally headed relative clauses -- 6.2. Superlatives and "degree" relative clauses -- 7. Summary and open questions -- Chapter III. The syntax of relative determiners -- 0. Introduction -- 1. A mixed analysis: Åfarli (1994) -- 2. Relative pronouns as determiners -- 2.1. The trigger of raising -- 2.2. Movement of DP/PP -- 2.3. The raising of the NP "head" -- 2.4. Omission of the relative determiner.

2.5. A morphosyntactic problem -- 3. The non-definiteness of the relative DP -- 3.1. Empirical evidence -- 4. Some issues in the syntax of relative determiners -- 4.1. Correlative clauses -- 4.2. From correlatives to externally headed relatives -- 4.3. Inverse attraction -- 4.4. Case attraction -- 4.5. Postposition of the relative determiner -- 4.6. Concluding remarks -- 5. The typology of relative determiners in the Indo-European languages -- 5.1. The correlative origin of relative pronouns -- 5.2. Relative pronouns as articles -- 5.3. The cycle of the definite article -- 5.4. Three types of relative determiner -- 6. Summary and open questions -- Chapter IV. A reconstruction asymmetry -- 0. Introduction -- 1. Reconstruction as a test for the raising of the "head" -- 2. Principle C effects -- 2.1. The exceptional behaviour of tonic pronouns -- 3. Principle A effects -- 4. Reconstruction for scope assignment -- 5. Quantifier binding -- 6. Idiomatic expressions -- 7. Reconstruction of the pied piped material in appositive clauses -- 8. Argument-adjunct asymmetries in reconstruction -- 9. Summary -- Chapter V. Appositive relative clauses -- 0. Introduction -- 1. Previous approaches -- 1.1. The coordinate analysis -- 1.2. The discontinuous constituent structure analysis -- 1.3. The LF' analysis -- 1.4. Asymmetry in the level of adjunction -- 2. Properties of appositive relatives -- 2.1. Definiteness of the relative trace -- 2.2. Floating quantifiers -- 2.3. Relatif de liaison -- 2.4. Non-nominal antecedents -- 2.5. Islandhood for binding -- 3. A non-raising analysis -- 3.1. X° as a "predicative" head -- 3.2. X° as a "specifying" coordination -- 3.3. Problems with the conjunction analysis -- 3.4. Summary -- 4. Kayne's LF movement approach -- 4.1. Lack of reconstruction of the "head" -- 4.2. The definiteness of the relative trace.

4.3. Floating quantifiers -- 4.4. Relatif de liaison and non-nominal antecedents -- 4.5. Islandhood for binding -- 4.6. Independent evidence for movement of IP -- 5. Summary -- Chapter VI. Doubly filled Comp effects -- 0. Introduction -- 1. Approaches to the problem in the adjunct analysis -- 1.1. The standard analysis -- 1.2. Pesetsky's (1994) optimality approach -- 1.3. Rizzi's (1990) feature compatibility approach -- 1.4. Consequences for the raising analysis -- 2. The omission of the relative D° -- 2.1. Base generation of NP -- 2.2. A null relative determiner -- 2.3. PF deletion as incorporation -- 3. Two types of null complementizer -- 3.1. Subject relativization -- 3.2. Embedded topicalization and negative preposing -- 4. A characterization of the complementizer system -- 4.1. Relative ordering of preposed constituents -- 4.2. Multiple complementizers -- 4.3. Omission of the functional heads -- 5. Optional that deletion -- 5.1. Zero complement clauses -- 5.2. Zero relatives -- 6. The wh-relative -- 6.1. A two steps relativization -- 6.2. Kayne's (1994) analysis -- 6.3. An alternative proposal -- 6.4. Evidence for the two steps derivation -- 7. Pied piping relatives -- 8. Economy and PF deletion -- 8.1. An alternative: the extraction of the "head" -- 9. Appositive relatives -- 10. Summary -- Chapter VII. The complementizer system of headed relative clauses -- 0. Introduction -- 1. The Topic parameter -- 1.1. Finiteness -- 1.2. Licensing Topic° -- 1.3. Verb second -- 2. The complementizer system in Old and Middle English -- 3. Violations of the doubly filled Comp filter -- 3.1. Quebec French -- 3.2. Occitan and Gascon -- 3.3. West Flemish -- 3.4. Bavarian daß -- 3.5. Summary -- 4. English infinitival relatives -- 5. The head government requirement -- 6. Embedded topicalization and negative preposing -- 7. Subject relativization.

8. Relativization in ancient Tuscan -- 9. Some remarks on resumptive relative clauses -- 9.1. Irish resumptive PPs -- 9.2. Hebrew free relatives -- 9.3. Resumptive clitics in some Romance dialects -- 9.4. German relative determiners -- 9.5. Concluding remarks -- 10. Summary -- Chapter VIII. Stacking, coordination, and extraposition -- 0. Introduction -- 1. Stacking -- 2. Coordination -- 3. Extraposition -- 4. Summary -- IX. Concluding remarks -- Notes -- References -- Index.