1 Introduction -- 1. Movement Type Asymmetries -- 2. Overview -- 2 Wh-Movement At S-Structure -- 1. Introduction And Overview -- 2. Proper Government And Subjacency -- 2.1. Conditions On The Moved Item -- 2.2. Improper Movement -- 2.3. Barriers -- 3. Barriers In Situ -- 3.1. Vp -- 3.2. Ip -- 3.3. Cp -- 3.4. Np -- 3.5. Np-Shells And Finite Complement Clauses -- 3.6. Infinitives -- 3.7. Cnpc Effects -- 3.8. Pp -- 3.9. Ap -- 4. Barriers In Derived Positions -- 4.1. A-Movement -- 4.2. Scrambling -- 4.3. Topicalization -- 4.4. Wh-Movement -- 5. Adjunct Barriers -- 5.1. Finite Adjunct Clauses -- 5.2. Non-Finite Adjunct Clauses -- 6. Conclusion -- 3 Scrambling -- 1. Introduction And Overview -- 2. Basic Properties -- 2.1. Optionality -- 2.2. Iterability -- 2.3. The Structure Of Scrambling Chains -- 3. Adjunction Sites -- 3.1. Adjunction To Vp And Ip -- 3.2. Adjunction To Xp -- 4. Locality -- 4.1. Clause-Bound Scrambling -- 4.2. Long-Distance Scrambling -- 5. Operator Scrambling -- 5.1. Illicit Operator Scrambling In German -- 5.2. Operator Scrambling In Korean And Japanese -- 5.3. Operator Scrambling In Russian -- 5.4. Full Representation -- 6. Categorial Selectivity -- 7. Anaphoric Binding -- 8. Strong Crossover -- 9. Weak Crossover -- 10. Parasitic Gaps -- 11. Reconstruction -- 12. Conclusion -- 4 Dative Movement -- 1. Introduction And Overview -- 2. The Paradox: Movement Vs. Binding -- 3. Vp-Structure -- 3.1. Larson'S Approach -- 3.2. Arguments Against Larson'S Approach -- 3.3. Vp-Structure In Sov Languages -- 3.4. Vp-Structure In Svo Languages -- 4. Barriers Revisited -- 4.1. The Islandhood Of Dative Nps -- 4.2. The Role Of Selection -- 4.3. Incorporation From Specifier Positions -- 5. Anaphoric Binding -- 5.1. Binding Of Anaphors In German -- 5.2. Parametric Variation -- 5.3. Binding Of Reciprocals -- 6. Pronominal Reference -- 6.1. The Data.

6.2. Blocking Coreference With An Io Pronoun -- 7. Weak Crossover -- 7.1. The Vp-Internal Distribution Of Bound-Variable Pronouns -- 7.2. Webelhuth'S Paradox -- 8. A-Bar Movement -- 8.1. The Data -- 8.2. Previous Analyses -- 8.3. A Pub Account -- 9. Passivization -- 9.1. Passivization In German Double Object Constructions -- 9.2. Passivization In Danish Double Object Constructions -- 9.3. Passivization In Norwegian Double Object Constructions -- 9.4. Passivization In English Double Object Constructions -- 9.5. Passivization In West Flemish Double Object Constructions -- 10. Free Datives -- 10.1. The Phenomenon -- 10.2. Do Free Datives Originate In An Np? -- 10.3. Free Datives Originate In Specμ -- 11. Conclusion -- 12. Appendices -- 12.1. Appendix 1: On Vp-Shells -- 12.2. Appendix 2: Particle Distribution -- 12.3. Appendix 3: Empty Prepositions -- 12.4. Appendix 4: Focus Projection -- 5 Wh-Movement At Lf -- 1. Introduction And Overview -- 2. Superiority And A Constraint On Wh-Adjuncts In Situ -- 3. Wh-In-Situ In German -- 4. Ip As An Lf Barrier -- 4.1. Ip As An S-Structure Barrier -- 4.2. Barriers And Wh-In-Situ In English -- 4.3. Long-Distance Wh-Movement At Lf In English -- 4.4. On S-Structural Adjunct Movement -- 4.5. Wh-In-Situ In French -- 5. Co-Indexing Of I And C -- 5.1. Short Wh-Movement At Lf In German -- 5.2. Successive-Cyclic Long-Distance Wh-Movement At Lf In German -- 5.3. Islands For Long-Distance Wh-Movement At Lf In German -- 6. Adjunction To Ip -- 6.1. Ip Barriers And Unambiguous Binding -- 6.2. Lf Movement Without Traces? -- 7. Wh-In-Situ Languages -- 8. Multiple Wh-Movement At S-Structure -- 9. Residual Issues -- 9.1. Lf Movement Of Subjects -- 9.2. Lexical Government Or θ-Government? -- 9.3. Residual Superiority Effects -- 10. Conclusion -- 6 Topicalization -- 1. Introduction And Overview -- 2. Topicalization Is Not Adjunction.

2.1. Iterability -- 2.2. Long-Distance Movement -- 2.3. Clause-Bound Movement -- 2.4. Verb Raising -- 2.5. Locality -- 2.6. Bridge Contexts -- 3. Topicalization Is Not Movement To Specc -- 3.1. Complementizers -- 3.2. V/2 Movement -- 3.3. Long-Distance Topicalization, Topic Islands, And Wh-Islands -- 3.4. Long-Distance Wh-Movement, Topic Islands, And Wh- Islands -- 4. Topicalization Is Movement To Spect -- 4.1. The Proposal -- 4.2. The Non-Existence Of Wh-Topicalization -- 4.3. Successive-Cyclic Topicalization -- 5. The Specifier Criterion -- 6. The Distribution Of Embedded Topicalization -- 7. C And T In German -- 8. C And T In English -- 9. Topic Islands -- 10. Wh-Islands -- 11. Infinitives -- 12. Root Clauses -- 13. Conclusion -- 7 Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- Index.