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Experimental Pragmatics/Semantics.
Title:
Experimental Pragmatics/Semantics.
Author:
Meibauer, Jörg.
ISBN:
9789027287151
Personal Author:
Physical Description:
1 online resource (256 pages)
Contents:
Experimental Pragmatics/Semantics -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- Preface -- List of contributors -- Introduction -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Testing for scalar implicatures -- 3. Varieties of pragmatic enrichment -- 4. Developmental pragmatics -- 5. Pragmatic impairment -- 6. Processing and the neuronal system -- 7. Variety of methodologies -- 8. The contributions to this volume -- Selected bibliography -- The development of conversational competence in children with Specific Language Impairment -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Children with Specific Language Impairment -- 1.2 Grice's maxims -- Quantity -- Quality -- Relation: Be relevant. -- Manner -- 2. Language-impaired children's conversational skills -- 2.1 General characteristics -- 2.2 Social skills of children with SLI -- 2.3 Adult interaction with language-impaired children -- 3. Language development and early performance on the maxims -- 3.1 Findings of previous studies -- 3.2 Limitations of previous studies -- 4. The present study -- 4.1 Research questions -- 4.2 Participants -- 4.3 Procedure -- 4.4 Results -- 5. Discussion -- 5.1 Violation categories and the maxims -- 5.2 Conversational skills of a language impaired child with higher cognitive and language skills -- 5.3 Quantifying and categorizing conversational violations by Children with SLI -- 5.4 Future directions -- 6. Summary -- References -- Appendix -- The impact of literal meaning on what-is-said -- 1. Contextualism: The state of the debate -- 2. Experimental approaches -- 2.1 Noveck and Sperber -- 2.2 Gibbs and Moise -- 2.3 Nicolle and Clark -- 2.4 The status of implicatures -- 3. The method of the study -- 4. Discussion of the results -- 5. Summary -- References -- Appendix -- Discourse under control in ambiguous sentences -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Satisfaction of the Question-Answer-Requirement.

3. Non-adult interpretations with modals -- 3.1 Experiment I: Children's interpretation of potere and negation in Italian -- 3.2 Experiment II: Evaluation of the Question-Answer-Requirement -- 4. General discussion -- 5. Summary -- References -- Pragmatic children -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Focus particles and children's acquisition task -- 3. Previous studies on children's comprehension of sentences with only -- 4. The study -- 4.1 Experiment 1 -- 4.1.1 Participants -- 4.1.2 Materials and procedure -- 4.1.3 Results -- 4.1.4 Discussion -- 4.2 Experiment 2 -- 4.2.1 Participants -- 4.2.2 Material and procedure -- 4.2.3 Results -- 4.2.4 Discussion -- 5. General Discussion -- References -- Appendix A -- Appendix B -- Adult response uniformity distinguishes semantics from pragmatics -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Some of) the semantic and pragmatic meanings of coordination -- 2.1 Truth-conditional semantic meaning -- 2.2 Pragmatic meaning -- 2.3 Non-truth-conditional arbitrary meaning -- 3. Hypotheses and predictions -- 3.1 Hypotheses and predictions for adults -- 3.2 Hypotheses and predictions for children -- 4. The experiment -- 4.1 The task and materials -- 4.1.1 Condition 1 -- 4.1.2 Condition 2 -- 4.1.3 Condition 3 -- 4.1.4 Condition 4 -- 4.1.5 Condition 5 -- 4.1.6 Condition 6 -- 4.2 Participants -- 5. Results and discussion -- 5.1 The adult results -- 5.1.1 Semantic meaning -- 5.1.2 Pragmatic meaning -- 5.2 The child results -- 5.2.1 Semantic meaning -- 5.2.2 Pragmatic meaning -- 5.3 Summary of results -- 6. Summary and general discussion -- 6.1 Adult response (non)uniformity for semantics and pragmatics -- 6.2 Interpreting child responses to tests of semantic and pragmatic meaning -- 7. Response uniformity cross-linguistically -- 8. Theoretical and experimental criteria for distinguishing semantics and pragmatics -- 9. Conclusions -- References.

Numerals and scalar implicatures -- 1. Introduction -- 2. An overview of theoretical approaches to Scalar Implicatures -- 3. Numerals and Scalar Implicatures -- 4. Experiment 1: An off line semantic judgment test -- 5. Experiment 2: An online processing experiment -- 6. Conclusions -- References -- Meaning in the objects -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 A symbol influences object perception -- 1.2 Semiotic character of objects -- 2. Method -- 2.1 Subjects -- 2.2 Stimuli -- 2.3 Procedure -- 2.4 Category system for nonverbal performance -- 3. Results and Discussion -- 3.1 Cross-linguistic findings on age, lexicon and performance -- 3.2 Gestural type in canonical vs. noncanonical settings -- 3.3 Discussion -- 3.4 Conclusions -- References -- Appendix -- Blocking modal enrichment (Tatsächlich) -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Modal enrichment -- 3. Blocking modal enrichment -- 4. Discussion -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- The hepatitis called … -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Enriched composition -- 3. Revious electrophysiological evidence -- 4. Empirical evidence for enriched composition during reference transfer -- 4.1 ERP study -- 4.2 Norming study -- 5. General Discussion -- The role of QUD and focus on the scalar implicature of most -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Experiment 1 -- 2.1 Setup and items -- 2.2 Design -- 2.3 Participants and procedure -- 2.4 Results and discussion -- Results of the wh-QUD conditions -- Results of the yes/no-QUD conditions -- 3. Experiment 2 -- 3.1 Setup, items, design and procedure -- 3.2 Participants -- 3.3 Results and Discussion -- 4. General Discussion -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Index -- The series Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today.
Abstract:
Where previous studies supported the effect of the contextual property of Question Under Discussion (QUD) and focus on the scalar implicature of or, this paper presents two experiments that replicate this effect with the scalar term most. Both experiments show that, while story and target sentence are kept constant, more scalar implicatures are calculated when the scalar term is in the focus (new information) part of the sentence. In the experiments, the focus is manipulated by an explicit QUD. It is shown that the effect also holds for sentential answers to yes/no-questions, and might even extend to scalar implicatures in questions themselves.
Local Note:
Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, Michigan : ProQuest Ebook Central, 2017. Available via World Wide Web. Access may be limited to ProQuest Ebook Central affiliated libraries.
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