Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- Foreword -- Tense domains in BP and EP - vP, CP and phases -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Aux-to-Comp -- 3. C-Deletion -- 4. Gerundive licensing -- 5. Tense as the locus of variation between BP and EP -- 6. Concluding remarks -- References -- Variable-behavior Ps and the location of PATH in Old French -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Variable-behavior Ps -- 2.1 Particles in Romance -- 2.2 The prepositional use of particles -- 2.3 Summary -- 3. Arguments against the lexical analysis -- 3.1 Semantic variability -- 3.2 Syntactic variability -- 3.3 Summary -- 4. A structural account of variable behavior Ps in Old French -- 4.1 Class 1 P-elements -- 4.1.1 The locative interpretation of Class 1 P-elements -- 4.1.2 The directional interpretation of Class 1 P-elements -- 4.1.3 The aspectual interpretation of Class 1 P-elements -- 4.2 Class 2 P-elements -- 4.3 The locative interpretation of particles -- 4.4 Summary -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Hebrew and Arabic children going Romance -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Word order in the four languages under consideration -- 3. The acquisition of subject-verb order: Results -- 3.1 Palestinian Arabic -- 3.2 Spanish -- 3.3 European Portuguese -- 3.4 Hebrew -- 3.5 Summary -- 4. Discussion -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Adjectives and deleted nominals in Spanish -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Focus in nominal ellipsis -- 3. Adjectival modification and nominal ellipsis in Spanish -- 4. Structural approaches: A critical review -- 5. Conclusions -- References -- On the nature of covert operations -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Focus 'extension' -- 2.1 Island effects -- 2.2 Fixed and periphrastic expressions, idiom chunks -- 3. Arguments supporting the covert focus extension hypothesis -- 3.1. Subjects and VP adverbs.

3.2 Focus 'restriction' -- 3.3 Double objects -- 4. Other cases -- 4.1 Either, neither -- 4.2 NPI's, (not) even -- 4.3 Focus markers -- 5. Wh movement: Split interrogatives -- 6. Conclusions -- References -- Ellipsis and Restructuring in European Portuguese -- 1. Introduction -- 2. NCA as a Deep or Surface anaphora and the distribution of Restructuring -- 3. The selectional properties of NCA licensing verbs -- 3.1. The lexical content of NCA licensors -- 3.2 The categorial nature of the gap in NCA constructions -- 4. NCA and Restructuring -- 4.1 Restructuring in EP -- 4.2 The complementary distribution of NCA and Restructuring -- 5. Conclusions -- References -- The early steps of modal and negation Interactions -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Previous studies on children's interpretation of modals and negation -- 3. An experimental study on children's interpretation of sentences containing puo' and non in Italian -- 3.1 Materials -- 3.2 Participants -- 3.3 Results -- 4. Concluding remarks -- Appendix - Target sentences -- References -- Structural patterns blocking plural in Romance Nominalizations -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Plural marking in Romanian CENs -- 2.1 Telicity and plural marking -- 3. The aspect projection in the Romanian supine -- 3.1 The pluractional operator (PO) -- 3.2 The interaction between the supine and the verbal base -- 4. Inner aspect in CENs: Spanish Nominal Infinitives (SNIs) -- 4.1 Nominal properties in SNIs -- 4.2 Inner vs. outer aspect -- 4.3 The analysis -- 5. Conclusions -- References -- On the distribution of adjectives in Romanian -- 1. Introduction: Adjectival modification and cel -- 2. Descriptive facts about cel in Romanian -- 2.1. Historical development -- 2.2 The distribution of "cel" in Romanian -- 3. Similarities between the cel construction and Greek DS -- 4. Differences between DS and the cel construction.

5. The analysis of the cel construction -- 6. Summary and conclusions -- Appendix: cel and celui -- References -- Subject doubling in European Portuguese dialects -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Word order as evidence for different types of subject doubling -- 3. Agreement in the double subject impersonal se construction -- 4. Interpretative effects in the double subject impersonal se construction -- 4.1 Inclusive reading (the doubling pronoun/DP is 1st person plural) -- 4.2 Exclusive reading (the doubling pronoun/DP is 3rd person plural) -- 5. Accounting for the availability of subject doubling in EP dialects -- 6. Further evidence supporting the analysis -- 6.1 The pronoun se is plural in dialectal EP: Adjectival agreement -- 6.2 The pronoun se is person-less in dialectal EP: Anaphoric binding -- 6.3 Pure expletive se with impersonal predicates -- 7. Consequences of the proposed analysis -- References -- On the Quebec French interrogative particle tu -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Tu: Interrogative particle or pronominal clitic? -- 2.1 A brief history of tu -- 2.2 Distribution -- 3. Clitic doubling in QF -- 3.1 Distribution -- 3.2 Previous analyses -- 3.2.1 Rizzi (1986) -- 3.2.2 Roberge (1990) -- 3.2.3 Sportiche (1998) -- 3.2.4 De Cat (2005) -- 4. Analysis -- 4.1 The definiteness effect -- 4.2 Incompatibility of tu with wh-elements -- 4.3 Restriction to main clauses -- 4.4 Incompatibility of tu with negation -- 5. Other dialects -- 5.1 Pied Noir French -- 5.2 Paduan -- 6. Conclusions -- References -- Autonomous typological prosodic evolution versus the Germanic superstrate in diachronic French phonology -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Arguments against a Frankish influence on the stress system -- 2.1 Entire stress systems are not borrowed from one language to another -- 2.2 The place of Frankish stress in the 5th century.

2.3 The supposed heavy expiratory stress in Frankish -- 3. Melodic' versus 'expiratory' accent -- 3.1. The role of stress distinction in historical linguistics -- 3.2 The distinction confronted with modern experimental phonetics -- 4. Other changes in French and Frankish -- 4.1 Other aspects of the evolution of French -- 4.1.1 A pendular movement in syllable structure -- 4.1.2 Diphthongization -- 4.1.3 Degemination -- 4.1.4 The genesis of final devoicing -- 4.1.5 Loss of productivity of vowel reduction -- 4.1.6 Loss of productivity of final consonant devoicing -- 4.1.7 A change in the conditioning of final vowel deletion -- 4.2 Some aspects of the evolution of continental West Germanic -- 5. Syllable counting languages and stress counting languages -- 5.1 Syllable vs. word languages -- 5.1.1 Syllable timed languages versus stress timed languages -- 5.1.2 The perceptive theory by Dauer -- 5.1.3 The prosodic phonology of Nespor & Vogel -- 5.1.4 The theory by Auer and Uhmann -- 5.2 Modern French as a syllable language and Old French as a word language -- 5.3 Modern Dutch and German as word languages and Old High German and Old Dutch as syllable languages -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- Dummy prepositions and the licensing of null subjects in Brazilian Portuguese -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Referential null subjects in BP as traces of movement -- 3. Finite control into noun complement clauses -- 4. Dummy prepositions and object vs. adjunct control -- 5. Dummy prepositions and the A-over-A Condition -- 6. Concluding remarks -- References -- OV sequences in early child Catalan and English -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The data -- 3. Previous accounts of OV sequences in English and Catalan -- 4. Theoretical background -- 4.1 Solà (1996) -- 4.2 On Focus and left-dislocation in Catalan -- 5. Analysis -- 5.1 Catalan: Evidence for Focus-movement.

5.2 English: 'True' OV sequences -- 6. Summary and conclusions -- References -- Index.