ISSUES IN MORPHOSYNTAX -- Editorial page -- Title page -- Copyright page -- Table of contents -- Preface -- 1. Introduction -- 1. The morphology-syntax interface revisited -- 2. Structure above and below zero: negative bar levels -- 3. Selection above and below zero: against syntactic affixation -- 3.1 Morphological selection versus syntactic selection -- 3.2 Derivational affixes -- 3.3 Inflectional affixes -- 4. Conclusion -- 2. Noun Incorporation -- 1. Introduction -- 2. NI as N-V compounding -- 2.1 Empirical evidence against syntactic analyses of NI -- 2.2 Two types of NI: a morphological analysis6 -- 2.3 Productivity -- 2.4 Referentiality -- 2.5 Conclusion -- 3. Ø-theory and the locality of NI -- 3.1 Ø-theory -- 3.2 The locality of NI -- 3.2.1 Direct objects -- 3.2.2 Subjects -- 3.2.3 Indirect objects -- 4. Compounding versus head movement -- 4.1 On the (im)possibility of incorporation of ECM subjects -- 4.2 Wh-movement of the object -- 4.3 NI and lack of Case assignment -- 4.4 'Ordinary' N-V compounding and head movement -- 5. Conclusion -- 3. The Morphosyntax of Periphrastic Participial Constructions -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Preliminaries -- 2.1 Unaccusativity: syntax and/or semantics -- 2.2 The identity of passive and perfect participle -- 2.3 Structural and thematic properties of auxiliaries -- 2.3.1 Structural properties of auxiliaries -- 2.3.2 Thematic properties of auxiliaries -- 3. Periphrastic passives -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 Personal passives -- 3.3 Impersonal passives and the nonpassivizability of unaccusatives -- 4. Periphrastic perfects -- 4.1 Thematic structure in perfects and auxiliary selection -- 4.2 Apparent unaccusative-unergative alternations and other problems -- 4.2.1 Unergatives with a directional phrase -- 4.2.2 Unaccusatives with a reflexive -- 4.2.3 Transitives with BE?.

4.3 Variation and change in auxiliary selection -- 4.3.1 Auxiliary selection in older English and Dutch -- 4.3.2. Case, Α-chain formation and auxiliaries -- 4.3.3 BE + unaccusative in Modern Dutch -- 4.3.4 HAVE or BE + unaccusative in older Germanic -- 4.3.5 HAVE + unaccusative in Modern English -- 4.3.6 The loss of HAVE + unaccusative in Dutch -- 4.3.7 The loss of BE + unaccusative in English -- 4.4 Perfect passives -- 4.5 Conclusion -- 5. Synthetic and semisynthetic paradigms -- 6. Adjectival versus verbal participles -- 7. From synthetic to periphrastic -- 7.1 Reanalysis -- 7.2 Head movement analyses of the synthetic-periphrastic distinction -- 7.3 Conclusion: deflexion, semantics and the development of periphrases -- 4. Deriving Lexical Integrity -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Words as islands for movement -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 The ins and outs of excorporation -- 2.3 Locality conditions on movement -- 2.4 Words as islands for affix-movement -- 2.5 Words as islands for movement of free morphemes -- 2.6 Conclusion -- 3. Binding and coreference below zero -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 Binding -- 3.3 Coreference -- 4. Other phenomena involving lexical integrity -- 5. Conclusion -- 5. Mismatches between Morphosyntax and Morphophonology -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Affix-based vs. process-based approaches to morphology -- 3. The difference between AFFIXATION and affixation -- 3.1 Splitting morphology6 -- 3.2 Application: the structure of N-V compounds12 -- 3.3. Conclusion -- 4. The relation between AFFIXATION and affixation -- 4.1 Optimal words -- 4.2 Application: nonagglutinative morphology -- 5. Conclusion -- Notes -- Chapter 1 -- Chapter 2 -- Chapter 3 -- Chapter 4 -- Chapter 5 -- References -- Name Index -- Subject Index.