Main Clause Phenomena -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- INTRODUCTION -- Main clause phenomena and the privilege of the root -- 1. Main clause phenomena: The familiar view -- 1.1 A first inventory of MCP -- 1.2 A semantic restriction on MCP -- 1.3 A broader view of MCP? -- 2. Back to the roots: Emonds (1976) -- 2.1 A syntactic classification of transformations -- 2.2 COMP substitution rules -- 2.3 Deletions as MCP -- 3. Towards a typology of MCP -- 3.1 MCP vs. root phenomena -- 3.2 V2 and the typology of MCP -- 3.3 An alternative typology of MCP -- 3.4 MCP: The unusual suspects -- 5. Outline of this volume -- References -- PART I. Explaining Main Clause Phenomena: The bigger picture -- Augmented structure preservation and the Tensed S Constraint -- 1. Root phenomena and Discourse Shells -- 2. Root-like structures of Indirect Discourse -- 3. Predictions of Chomsky's Tensed S Constraint -- 4. Simplifying/generalizing the Structure Preserving Constraint -- 4.1 Phrasal Movements under Augmented Structure Preservation -- 4.2 Head Movements under Augmented Structure Preservation -- 4.2.1 Head movements limited to root clauses -- 4.2.2 Head movements not limited to roots: substitutions -- 4.2.3 Head adjunctions -- 5. Left dislocation constructions -- 5.1 Left Dislocation and Discourse Shells -- 5.2 Predicting the order Topics - Focus -- 5.3 The comma intonation in Left Dislocation -- 6. Rightward movements of phrases -- 6.1 Structure-preserving instances of Move -- 6.2 Free word order phenomena disguised as movement -- 6.3 Exempting genuine subcases of Merge from Move -- References -- Root transformations & quantificational structure -- 1. Adverbial quantification -- 2. When/Before/After-clauses, presupposition & RTs -- 2.1 Asserted When/Before/After-clauses? -- 2.2 A more refined semantics (Johnston 1994).

2.2.1 The adjunct restriction reading -- 2.2.2 The head restriction reading -- 2.2.3 Implications -- 2.3 The syntax-semantics mapping revisited -- 2.3.1 Adverbial Qs as indefinite pronouns/pronominal Qs -- 3. Because-clauses, presupposition & RTs -- 3.1 The semantics of because-clauses -- 3.1.1 Because as propositional relation -- 3.1.2 Because as event relation -- 3.2 Because-clauses and Q adverbs -- 3.3 Quantifications as states -- 4. Root transformations and semantic structure -- 4.1 Syntactic accounts -- 4.1.1 Clause "Size" -- 4.1.2 Syntactic intervention -- 4.2 Semantic closure -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Agreements that occur mainly in the main clause -- 1. Root vs. Non-root -- 2. Allocutive agreement in Basque -- 3. Politeness marking in Japanese as a form of allocutive agreement -- 3.1 Strong uniformity -- 4. Politeness marking and the main clause phenomenon -- 4.1 Politeness marking in subordinate clauses -- 4.2 Comparison to Japanese: Allocutive agreement and complementizer type -- 4.3 Reason clause -- 5. Topic wa -- 6. Adverbial clauses and indirect questions -- 6.1 Temporal clause -- 6.2 Indirect question -- 7. SA structure and the MCP in Japanese and English -- 8. Some problems -- 9. Conclusion -- References -- The syntax of MCP -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Main clause phenomena and truncation -- 2.1 The core data -- 2.2 The truncation analysis -- 3. Discussion -- 4. The syntax of initial constituents -- 5. The double asymmetry -- 5.1 The core pattern -- 5.2 Intervention and the double asymmetry -- 5.3 The movement derivation of adverbial clauses -- 5.4 A precursor -- 6. Truncation follows from locality -- 7. Completing the picture: peripheral adverbial clauses -- 8. Summary -- References -- Towards an interface definition of root phenomena -- 1. Root phenomena -- 1.1 A first definition.

2. Three problems for a strictly syntactic approach -- 2.1 Gradience -- 2.2 Variable behaviour of adverbial clauses -- 2.3 Root-like fragments -- 2.4 Summary -- 3. Solution 1: Gradience as mismatch -- 3.1 The interpretive import of root phenomena -- 3.2 The interpretive properties of root-like clauses -- 3.2.1 Epistemic properties -- 3.2.2 Performative properties -- 3.3 Accounting for gradience -- 3.3.1 Prediction 1 -- 3.3.2 Prediction 2 -- 3.3.3 Prediction 3 -- 3.3.4 Prediction 4 -- 4. Solution 2: Capturing variations in 'rootness' -- 4.1 The effect of event quantification -- 4.2 Levels of rootness -- 5. Solution 3: Disentangling pragmatic Force from syntactic Force -- 5.1 Accounting for (Japanese) fragments -- 5.2 The need for an interface account -- 6. Concluding remarks -- References -- Explaining matrix/subordinate domain discrepancies -- 1. Introduction -- 2. 1970's explanations through UG -- 3. Explanations through acquisition -- 4. Apparent counterexamples -- 5. Problems -- 6. Arguments for Degree-0 acquisition -- 7. Discrepancies -- 8. Conclusion -- References -- Parenthetical main clauses - or not? -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Some preliminary remarks -- 3. Appositive constructions -- 3.1 The Janus-faced behavior of appositive relative clauses -- 3.2 On parenthesis -- 3.3 Appositives as embedded parentheticals -- 4. Quasi-relatives -- 5. Conclusion and outlook -- References -- PART II. The Phenomena -- A. PARTICLES AND AGREEMENT MARKERS -- Topic particle stranding and the structure of CP -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Topic particle stranding -- 3. TPS as a root phenomenon -- 3.1 Adverbial clauses -- 3.2 Complement clauses -- 3.3 More on similarities between TPS and sentence-final particles -- 4. Pragmatic functions of TPS and sentence-final particles -- 4.1 Interpersonal communicative functions.

4.2 Syntactic encoding of speaker-addressee interactions -- 4.3 An alternative analysis -- 4.4 Politeness marking in Japanese -- 5. Linking between stranded particle and topic -- 5.1 Null pronoun in Spec-TopP -- 5.2 Consequences of the proposed analysis -- 6. Concluding remarks -- References -- Splitting up force -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Syntactic and pragmatic properties of discourse particles -- 2. Italian and Romanian data -- 2.1 Italian discourse particles -- 2.2 Romanian discourse particles -- 3. Discourse particles as main clause phenomena -- 4. The syntactic representation of illocutionary force and clause type as two distinct projections -- 5. A feature-based proposal for the interaction between illocutionary force, clause type, and discourse particles -- 6. Conclusions -- Acknowledgments -- References -- The syntactic position of Polish by and Main Clause Phenomena -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Conditionals as free relatives -- 1.2 Operator movement and intervention effects -- 1.3 Types of conditional adverbials -- 1.4 Counterfactual conditionals (CFCs) -- 2. Conditionals in Polish -- 3. Polish conditionals and Main Clause Phenomena -- 3.1 MCP: Contrastive to-topicalization -- 3.2 MCP: Long extraction of adjuncts -- 3.3 MCP: Speaker-oriented adverbs -- 3.4 Movement of by in CFCs -- 3.5 Operator movement and correlativization -- 4. Conclusion -- References -- B. complementizers and verb-second -- A main clause complementizer -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Theoretical and empirical background -- 3. ForceP goes with the flow -- 4. Mono-clausal main clauses -- 5. A hierarchy for E-modals -- 6. E-modals and clause typing -- 6.1 Word order in main clauses -- 6.2 Word order in embedded clauses -- 7. Conclusions -- References -- The status of complementizers in the left periphery -- 1. Introduction: data and analyses.

2. Complement clauses: Headed or free relatives? -- 3. Potential problems -- 4. The interaction with (non-)finiteness -- 5 Conclusions: Main Clause Phenomena -- References -- Minimality and embedded V2 in Scandinavian -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Distribution of embedded V2 in Scandinavian -- 2.1 Declarative complements -- 2.2 Other types of subordinate clauses -- 3. The proposal -- 3.1 Wh- islands -- 3.2 Weak islands (factive and non-assertive clauses) -- 3.3 Negative islands and declarative complements of modified predicates -- 3.4 Predictions -- 4. The trigger of V-to-Fin -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Against a uniform treatment of second position effects as force markers -- 1. Properties of V2 -- 1.1 V2 as a force marker -- 1.2 Challenges to the treatment of V2 as a uniform force marker -- 1.3 Diachronic arguments against the treatment of V2 as a uniform force marker -- 2. Second position cliticization in Slavic -- 2.1 Properties of second position clitics -- 2.2 Diachrony of second position cliticization in Slavic -- 2.3 Properties of force clitics in Slavic -- 2.3.1 Position in the structure -- 2.3.2 Categorial status of the host -- 2.3.3 Syntactic nature of the host -- 3. Conclusion -- References -- C. ADVERBIAL CLAUSES -- The syntax-discourse interface in adverbial clauses -- 1. Introduction -- 2. A new paradigm of adverbial clauses -- 2.1 The availability of functional heads -- 2.2 Group B (negation type): Zuni ('without') -- 2.3 Group C (conditional type): (Kere)ba 'if' -- 2.4 Type D (polarity type): Toki-(ni) 'when' -- 2.5 Group E (reason type): Node 'because' -- 2.6 Group F (concessive type): Ga 'although' -- 3. Explaining Noda's paradigm -- 3.1 Haegeman (2011/this volume) -- 3.2 Coniglio and Zegrean (2010/this volume) -- 4. Concluding remarks -- References.

Subjunctive mood, epistemic modality and main clause phenomena in the analysis of adverbial clauses.