Argument Structure in Flux -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Dedication page -- Table of contents -- Argument structure in flux -- References -- Non-canonical subjects in clauses with noun predicates* -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The Italian "gli prese paura-construction" -- Anchor 100 -- 4. A comparison with French -- 5. Further data and open questions -- 6. Conclusions -- References -- Differential agent marking in Hinuq -- 1. Introduction -- 2. A short introduction to Hinuq and its basic clause types -- 3. Three types of non-canonical agent constructions -- 3.1 The potential construction -- 3.2 The involuntary agent and the exterior force construction -- 3.3 Interim summary -- 4. The causative construction -- 5. Comparing non-canonical and canonical agents -- 5.1 Canonical marking of non-canonical agents -- 5.2 Semantic differences between non-canonical and canonical agents -- 5.3 Formal differences between non-canonical and canonical agents -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- Case variation and case alternation in Indo-European and beyond -- 1. Introductory remarks -- 2. Basic theoretical concepts and definitions -- 2.1 Case variation and case alternation: Preliminary remarks -- 2.2 Case variation vs. case alternation vs. case opposition -- 3. Sources of case variation -- 3.1 Functional (semantic) overlapping -- 3.2 Paradigmatic pressure/analogy -- 3.3 Phonological changes and (partial) case syncretism -- 3.4 Substrate/adstrate influence -- 4. Case variation and its outcomes -- 4.1 Case syncretism -- 4.2 Ousting -- 4.3 Dividing spheres of influence -- 5. Parameters of case variation -- 5.1 Identifiability -- 5.2 Formal (un)markedness -- 5.3 Distinguishability -- 5.4 Primary argument immunity principle (PAIP) -- 5.5 Paradigmatic independence -- 5.6 Semantic specificity -- 6. Competing constraints and hierarchies of parameters.

7. Concluding remarks: Problems and perspectives for further studies -- References -- Constructional polysemy and argument realisation with the Irish GET verb -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Personal passive construction -- 1.1.1 Perfective variant of the personal passive -- 1.1.2 Prospective Imperfective variant of the personal passive -- 1.1.3 Progressive variant of the personal passive -- 1.2 The irregular morphology of the verb faigh -- 1.3 The usage patterns of these constructions in syntax -- 2. The GET constructions of Irish -- 2.1 The HAVE and BECOME senses of the Irish GET construction -- 2.2 The GET-RECIPIENT construction of Irish -- 2.3 The GET-PASSIVE construction of Irish -- 3. The common points of the Irish GET constructions -- 3.1 Light verb -- 3.2 The contribution of NP2 -- 3.3 The Spatial underpinnings of location and state in Irish -- 3.4 The constructional schemata for Irish GET constructions -- 4. Discussion -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Latin preverbs and verb argument structure -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Evolution of Latin preverbs -- 3. Argument structure of Latin preverbed verbs -- 4. The corpus analyses -- 4.1 Corpora -- 4.2 First investigation -- 4.3 Second investigation -- 4.3.1 Relevant variables -- 5. Conclusions -- References -- Experiencing linking -- 1. A linking issue or a mapping problem? -- 2. Theta roles and linking in Reinhart's system -- 2.1 Why c(ausality) and m(ental involvement)? -- 2.2 Linking feature clusters -- 3. Experiencing problems: A closer look at preoccupare/worry type verbs -- 3.1 Finer-grained syntax solution (Pesetsky 1995) -- 3.2 Finer-grained semantic solution (Pesetsky 1995) -- 3.3 Challenge for Pesetsky (1995): Syntax of reduced experiencers -- 3.4 Tackling the syntax of reduced EXP-verbs -- 4. German object experiencers -- 4.1 The solution: Gefallen versus quälen-type verbs.

4.1.1 Interpretative differences -- 4.1.2 Mapping to syntax -- 5. Case-theta linking puzzles -- 5.1 Linking puzzles -- 5.2 Deriving case -- 5.3 Predictions for case-licensing -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- Introduce -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Previous studies of non-prototypical three-participant constructions -- 3. Introduce as a non-prototypical three-participant event: Research question and method -- 4. "Introducing" across Europe: Results -- 4.1 Slavic languages -- 4.2 Romance languages -- 4.4 Germanic languages -- 5. Summary and conclusion -- Abbreviations -- References -- On the relationship between lexical aspect, verbal meaning, and (lexical) argument structure* -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The role of argument structure in determining lexical aspect -- 2.1 A closer look at possible determinants of lexical aspect -- 2.2 Some remaining challenges -- 3. Proposing a lexical-syntactic approach to aspect -- 3.1 Lexical syntax: A framework for the analysis of argument structure -- 3.2 How informative is a lexical-syntactic approach to lexical aspect? -- 3.3 Lexical aspectual distinctions -- 3.3.1 Test 1-Interruption before arriving at the final state or place -- 3.3.2 Test 2-The scope of negation -- 3.3.3 Test 3-The behaviour of telic events with 'shifting' mass nouns -- 4. Apparent determinants of lexical aspect -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 Elements at the traditional VP-level -- 4.2.1 On causation and agentivity as sources for telicity -- 4.2.2 The semantic properties of the object -- 4.3 The V-level: The verb (root) -- 4.3.1 Verbal aspectual features -- 4.3.2 The ± scale as a lexical verbal property -- 4.3.3 The 'two-point versus multi-point scale property' as a lexical verbal property -- 4.3.4 Temporal (in)dependence between subevents -- 5. Conclusions -- References -- Four Romanian verbs of occurring -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Sentence structure.

2.1 a avea loc 'take place' -- 2.2 a se petrece 'occur' -- 2.3 a se întâmpla 'happen' -- 2.4 a (o) păţi 'happen' -- 3. Semantic content -- 4. Argument mapping -- 4.1 Verbs of occurring as experiencer verbs -- 4.2 Verbs of occurring as existential verbs -- 5. Discourse-pragmatic function -- 6. Conclusions -- References -- The pro cycle -- 1. Background -- 2. The nature of pro -- 2.1 The properties of pro -- 2.2 Relationship between verb agreement and null subject -- 2.3 Types of pro -- 3. The history of Scandinavian pro -- 3.1 Old Norse -- 3.2 Mainland Scandinavian -- 4. Loss of pro -- 5. Origins of pro -- 5.1 Weak valency -- 5.2 Pronoun incorporation -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- Argument promotion and SE-constructions in Brazilian Portuguese -- Introduction -- 2. X-sentences -- 2. A possible analysis -- 2.1 Kallulli on feature suppression -- 2.2 X- sentences again -- 3. se constructions as non-active morphology -- 4. On the loss of se in BP and the emergence of X-sentences -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Unaccusativity and the diachrony of null and cognate objects in Greek* -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Typology of verbal classes, null objects, and cognate objects -- 2.1 Theoretical remarks -- 2.1.1 Verbal classes -- 2.1.2 Null objects -- 2.1.3 Cognate objects -- 2.2 The Greek data -- 2.2.1 Null objects and alternating unaccusatives in Greek -- 2.2.2 Cognate objects and unaccusatives in Greek -- 3. Conclusions -- References -- Split intransitivity in Irish and the syntax-semantics interface -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Perfect selection in Irish: Basic data -- 3. Different kinds of intransitive and their perfects -- 3.1 Unaccusatives and unergatives in Irish -- 3.2 Some problems with perfect selection -- 4. Factors influencing the diagnostics for unaccusativity -- 4.1 Telicity -- 4.2 Agentivity -- 5. The Auxiliary selection hierarchy (ASH).

6. Change-of-location verbs in Irish -- 7. Change-of-state verbs -- 7.1 Anticausative verbs -- 8. Conclusion -- Sources -- References -- Semantic constraints on the Latin Impersonal Passive -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Cross-linguistic features of impersonal passives and the Latin state-of-affairs -- 2.1 Tendencies of impersonal passive constructions across languages -- 2.2 Generic and specific agents in the Latin impersonal passive -- 3. Telicity and agentivity in impersonal passivization -- 4. A case study from Latin -- 4.1 Prototypical telic and atelic verbs -- 4.1.1 Change of location -- 4.1.2 Controlled process -- 4.2 Controlled Process (motional) -- 4.3 Uncontrolled process -- 4.4 Continuation of a pre-existing State and Existence of State -- 4.5 Change of state -- 4.6 Interim summary -- 5. Conclusions -- References -- Texts and translations -- Medieval Texts -- Anchor 145 -- Auxiliary selection in German -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Auxiliary selection as an indicator of unaccusativity/split intransitivity? -- 2.1 A hierarchy of semantic criteria for auxiliary selection: Levin and Rappaport Hovav (1995) -- 2.2 Linking rules and auxiliary selection in German -- 3. Auxiliary selection with German intransitive verbs -- 3.1 Three classes of sein-verbs in German -- 3.2 Problematic cases -- 4. The Auxiliary Selection Hierarchy -- 5. The diachronic development of haben- and sein-perfect in German -- 6. Short discussion and conclusion -- References -- Tornar and volver -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Compound tense auxiliary selection in Spanish -- 3. Variation in auxiliary selection between tornar and volver -- 4. The semantics of tornar and volver -- 5. Semantics and frequency as predictors as auxiliary selection -- 6. Conclusion -- Documents cited -- References -- Control and the evolution of possessive and existential constructions -- 1. Introduction.

2. Transitive verbs of possession and differential object marking: The case of Spanish.