Information Structure and Agreement -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- Information structure, agreement and CP -- References -- The complementiser system in spoken English -- 1. Introduction -- 2. C1 in complement clauses -- 3. C2 in declarative complement clauses -- 4. C2 in subordinate adverbial clauses -- 5. C2 in subordinate wh-clauses -- 6. C2 in comparative correlatives -- 7. C2 in root focus and exclamative clauses -- 8. C2 in root clauses after modal adverbials -- 9. C2 in other root clauses -- 10. Asymmetry between C1 and C2 structures -- 11. Source of C1 and C2 structures -- 12. Summary -- References -- 'Phasing' contrast at the interfaces -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Basic assumptions for the analysis -- 2.1 The hierarchical distribution of informational meanings -- 2.2 What counts as marked in the discourse -- 3. The analysis of the Topic domain -- 3.1 Different types of Topic -- 3.2 The impact of topics in conversational dynamics -- 3.3 The compositional nature of Topics and discourse markedness -- 4. The correlation between phases and discourse features -- 4.1 On the nature of contrast: a necessary distinction -- 5. Discourse features, prosodic properties and conversational dynamics -- 5.1 Exploring the correlation -- 5.2 Parallel structures and the interpretation of features across phases -- 5.3 IS-feature composition and syntactic visibility -- 6. Conclusions -- 7. An 'afterthought': Givenness in a feature-based approach -- References -- The alternation between improper indirect questions and restrictive relatives -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The distinction between proper and improper indirect questions -- 2.1 Proper and improper indirect questions in Spanish and English -- 2.2 Proper and improper indirect questions in European Portuguese.

3. Predicate selection and the alternation between improper indirect questions and restrictive relatives -- 3.1 Predicate selection of proper and improper indirect questions -- 3.2 Verbs that allow for the alternation improper relatives and restrictive relatives -- 4. A syntactic modular approach to improper indirect questions and restrictive relatives -- 4.1 Proper and improper Wh-questions in Spanish and Portuguese -- 4.2 The alternation between improper indirect questions and restrictive relatives -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Referentiality in Spanish CPs -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The left periphery of embedded clauses: Structural differences -- 2.1 Non-referential CPs have more structure -- 2.2 Some extraction facts -- 3. Referentiality and proposition resolution -- 3.1 A working characterization of sentential referentiality -- 3.2 More on referentiality: "do so", "it" and "todo lo" -- 3.3 Referentiality and "todo lo" -- 4. Preguntar and the optionality of que -- 5. Conclusion: A recap of the main claims -- References -- Binding at the syntax-information structure interface -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The influence of information structure on (anti-)connectivity effects -- 3. Heycock and Kroch's (2002) syntax-information structure account for binding -- 3.1 Presentation -- 3.2 Reverse pseudoclefts -- 3.3 Verb - Object - Subject word order (VOS) in French and Spanish -- 3.4 Other problematic data -- 3.4 Intermediary conclusion -- 4. Our proposal -- 4.1 Data to be accounted for -- 4.2 Background: Cartography of the left periphery -- 4.3 Hypothesis -- 4.4 Implications -- 5. Application of the proposal -- 5.1 Initial connectivity cases -- 5.2 Asymmetry in reverse pseudoclefts -- 5.3 Cases in which the binder is in the ground -- 6. Further independent evidence -- 6.1 Predicational pseudoclefts -- 6.2 Counter-examples to binding theory.

7. Conclusion -- References -- Deriving "wh-in-situ" through movement in Brazilian Portuguese -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 The wh-parameter -- 1.2 "Optional" wh-in-situ languages -- 2. The aims of this chapter and theoretical assumptions -- 2.1 The questions to be answered -- 2.2 Theoretical assumptions and hypotheses -- 3. The analysis -- 3.1 The yes/no intonation -- 2.2 Echo-questions in BP and Japanese -- 3.3 The analysis of ordinary wh-in-situ questions -- 3.4 Arguments for the mid-sentence fp for the landing site of wh-phrases -- 3.5 Back to the comparison between BP and French -- 3.6 Fronted wh-questions in advanced French and in BP -- 4. Conclusions -- References -- On 'focus movement' in Italian -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Four asymmetries -- 3. The corrective move -- 3.1 The role of focus -- 3.2 The focus related constraints -- 4. Another look at 'low' focus -- 5. Overt movement -- 5.1 Evidence against remnant IP movement -- 6. Concluding remarks -- Clause-typing by [2] - the loss of the 2nd person pronoun du 'you' in Dutch, Frisian and Limburgian dialects -- 1. Introduction - the loss of Dutch du 'thou' -- 2. Theories about the decline of du -- 3. Beyond economy - a new empirical generalization -- 3.1 Inversion paradigms -- 4. A second correlation -- 5. Towards a language-internal explanation of du-decay -- 5.1 The V2 effect -- 5.2 Position-dependent spellout of verbal inflection -- 5.3 Position-dependent spellout of pronouns -- 5.4 The dialect geography of double paradigms -- 5.6 A diachronic scenario -- 6. Du-decay and that-trace effects -- 7. The interaction of WH and [2] -- 7.1 Relative pronouns and [2] -- 7.2 Inclusive interrogative pronouns: [WH] +[2] -- 7.3 Rhetoric questions and [2] -- 8. Lexical subfeatures: EPP and beyond -- 9. Conclusions -- References -- Degree phrase raising in relative clauses.

1. Two types of degree relativization -- 2. Degree relative clauses and head noun raising -- 3. Comparatives vs. relatives -- 4. Two types of DegP -- 5. Determiner restrictions -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- Low, high and higher applicatives -- 1. Introduction -- 2. A brief introduction to the phrase structure of PL -- 3. Applicatives in PL -- 3.1 Low applicatives -- 3.2 High Applicatives -- 3.2.1 Benefactive Constructions -- 3.2.2 Locatives -- 3.2.3 Psych-applicatives -- 3.3 Interim Summary -- 4. Higher applicatives: applicatives selecting agentive vPs -- 4.1 Experiential constructions -- 4.2 Ability and out of control constructions -- 4.3 Combining higher with high and low -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- On richness of tense and verb movement in Brazilian Portuguese -- 1. Introduction -- 2. On verb movement -- 3. Brazilian Portuguese (BP) -- 4. On verb movement in Portuguese -- 5. Evidence for main verb in T2 in BP -- 5.1 Adverb position ('sempre') in EP vs. BP -- 5.2 vP ellipsis -- 5.3 Non-exclusive use of past morphology for past meaning -- 5.4 Uses of 'imperfect' in EP vs. BP -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- Vocalic adjustments under positional markedness in Catalan and other Romance languages -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Prominence: word-initial position and sonority -- 3. Word-initial position and positional faithfulness -- 4. Prominent positions and positional markedness -- 5. Effects of positional markedness in Pedreguer pronominal clitic system -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- On sloppy readings, ellipsis and pronouns -- 1. Introduction: Pro vs. ellipsis as the source of empty arguments -- 2. The East Asian-sign language connection -- 3. Sloppy readings, ellipsis and pronouns -- 3.1 The many-pronouns puzzle -- 3.2 The case of subjects -- 3.3 Catalan ho-CP -- 3.4 The case of objects.

3.5 The many-pronouns puzzle and null objects in Japanese, Chinese and LSC -- 3.6 The case of PPs/adjuncts -- 3.7 Again on strict subjects -- 4. Conclusion and final reflections -- References -- Index of Terms.