Structure and Variation in Language Contact -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Dedication page -- Table of contents -- Introduction -- References -- Structure -- The phonetics of tone in Saramaccan -- 0. Introduction -- 1. The three-way tonal lexical contrast in Saramaccan -- 2. The "split'' lexicon of Saramaccan -- 2.1. Commonly attested tonal patterns -- 2.2. On the origins of the split -- 3. A preliminary phonetic examination of the split lexicon -- 3.1. Theoretical background -- 3.2. Data collection -- 4. The phonetics of high-tone plateauing -- 4.1. Introduction -- 4.2. Plateauing between a noun and preceding adjective -- 4.3. Plateauing between a subject and predicate -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Tracing the origin of modality in the creoles of Suriname1 -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Comparing modality in the creoles of Suriname and Gbe -- 3. Ability and possibility -- 4. Negative possibility -- 5. Epistemic possibility -- 6. The categorial status of the modality elements -- 7. The emergence of possibility and ability in the maroon creoles of Suriname -- 8. Necessity -- 9. The categorial status of the modality elements -- 10. The emergence of necessity in the creoles of Suriname -- 11. Summary and conclusion -- References -- Modeling Creole Genesis -- 0. Introduction -- 1. Affixation and synthetic compounds -- 2. Acquisition processes and synthetic compounds -- 2.1. Second Language Acquisition -- 2.2. First Language Acquisition -- 2.3. Summary of implications -- 3. Analysis -- 4. The categorial status and position of -MA and diachronic depth -- References -- The restructuring of tense/aspect systems in creole formation -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1. The superstrate input to creole formation -- 1.2. Acquisition of tense/aspect -- 2. The emergence of Haitian Creole -- 2.1. The emergence of the Haitian Creole TMA system.

2.2. The superstrate input to HC -- 2.3. Internal developments -- 2.4. Substrate influence on HC -- 3. The emergence of tense/aspect in Sranan Tongo -- 3.1. The superstrate input to Sranan formation -- 3.2. Historical background -- 3.3. Substrate influence on Sranan tense/aspect -- 3.4. Comparing perfective in Gbe and Sranan -- 3.5. Comparing the completive in Gbe and Sranan -- 3.6. The expression of `imperfective' meaning in Gbe and Sranan -- 3.7. Internal developments in Sranan tense/aspect -- 4. Conclusion -- References -- Syntactic properties of negation in Chinook Jargon, with a comparison to two source languages -- 0. Introduction -- 1. Syntactic properties of CJ sentential negation -- 1.1. Positioning of the negative marker -- 1.2. The categorial status of the CJ negative marker `wek' -- 1.3. `Complex markers' of sentential negation in CJ -- 1.4. Positioning of negative indefinites in CJ -- 1.5. Summary of the section -- 2. Negation in CJ source languages -- 2.1. Lower Chinook -- 2.2. Upper Chehalis -- 2.3. CJ negation in comparison to negation in source languages -- 3. Summary and discussion -- References -- Sri Lankan Malay morphosyntax -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Non-convergent predicate orders -- 3. Embedded clauses -- 4. The verbal domain -- 4.1. Negation -- 4.2. Tense and aspect -- 4.3. Non-finite SLM clauses as nominalizations -- 5. The nominal domain -- 5.1. Case markers as inflection? -- 5.2. Functional reanalysis: Post-nominal ya1'135/nya(1'135) as a case marker -- 5.3. Functional extension: Post-nominal na"5D as a case marker -- 5.4. Pre-nominal relative clauses -- 6. An external explanation for the domain contrast? -- 7. The development of SLM -- 8. Conclusion -- References -- Sri Lanka Malay -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1. Origins of Sri Lanka Malay -- 1.2. Vehicular Malay -- 1.3. Sri Lanka Malay -- 2. TMA in Vehicular Malay.

3. TMA in SLM, Tamil and VM -- 3.1. Tense -- 3.2. Aspect -- 3.3. Mood -- 4. Discussion -- 4.1. Origin of TMA in Sri Lanka Malay -- 4.2. Timing of the development of Tamilized TMA in SLM -- 5. Summary -- References -- The advantages of a blockage-based etymological dictionary for proven or putative relexified languages -- 1. Introduction: An overview of relexification in the history of Yiddish -- 2. Identifying relexification processes and lexical blockage -- 3. Distinctive features of Yiddish relexification -- 4. Towards a blockage-based etymological dictionary -- 5. Sample entries -- References -- Variation -- A fresh look at habitual be in AAVE -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The distribution of agentive be -- 3. The overt inflection constraint -- 4. Be in the imperative and subjunctive -- 5. Agentive be and verb movement -- 6. Habitual Be in AAVE -- 7. The source of habitual be in AAVE -- References -- Oral narrative and tense in urban Bahamian Creole English -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Data -- 3. Oral narrative and tense -- 3.1. Narratives of personal experience -- 3.2. Folktales -- 3.3. Generic narratives -- 4. Conclusion -- References -- Aspects of variation in educated Nigerian Pidgin -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The question of a NigP-to-English continuum -- 3. Data and method -- 4. Analysis of text samples -- 5. Results of corpus analyses -- 5.1. Tense/aspect marking -- 5.2. Copulas and related constructions -- 5.3. Verbal negation -- 6. Interpretation of results -- 7. Conclusion -- References -- A linguistic time-capsule -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The first act: 15th and 16th centuries -- 3. Early Afro-Portuguese texts (15th and 16th centuries) -- 4. Afro-Hispanic texts (15th and 16th centuries) -- 5. The second act: Early 17th and 18th centuries -- 5.1. Afro-Portuguese texts (17th to early 18th centuries).

5.2. Afro-Hispanic texts (17th and 18th centuries) -- 6. The third act: Late 17th to early 20th centuries -- 6.1. Afro-Portuguese texts in Brazil and Portugal -- 6.2. Afro-Hispanic texts in Latin America -- 7. Conclusions -- References -- The progressive in the spoken Papiamentu of Aruba -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Language contact in Aruba -- 3. Data and methods -- 4. Definition of the variable -- 5. Results -- 5.1. Linguistic factors -- 5.2. Social factors -- 6. Discussion and conclusions -- References -- Was Haitian ever more like French? -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Geographical distribution of linguistic features within Haiti -- 3. Agglutination in Haitian -- 4. Lexicon vs. structure -- 5. The possibility of French influencing Haitian -- 6. Conclusion -- Appendix -- References -- The late transfer of serial verb constructions as stylistic variants in Saramaccan creole -- 1. Introduction -- 2. SVCs and corresponding non-serial alternatives -- 2.1. SVCs in Modern Saramaccan -- 2.2. SVCs in the Early Saramaccan Texts -- 3. Conclusion -- References -- Index -- The series Creole Language Library.