Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 2010 -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- Foreword -- From Romance clitics to case -- 1. Case: The oblique / dative -- 1.1 Split accusativity -- 2. The person case constraint -- 2.1 A Case-based account -- 2.2 A grammar without repairs -- References -- Contextual conditions on stem alternations -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Stem alternations in context -- 1.2 The empirical question -- 2. Conditions on contextual allomorphy -- 2.1 Extension to stem alternation -- 3. Two alternations in Spanish verbs -- 3.1 Diphthongization -- 3.2 "Raising" -- 4. Interim summary -- 5. A Question and a conjecture -- 6. Conclusions -- References -- State nouns are Kimian states* -- 1. Preliminaries and background concepts: States and nouns -- 1.1 Preliminaries: A working definition of state -- 1.2 Kimian states and Davidsonian states -- 2. Nouns coming from K-state verbs -- 2.1 Incompatibility with place modifiers -- 2.2 Incompatibility with manner denoting adjectives -- 2.3 Unavailability of temporal readings with ambiguous adjectives -- 3. From D-state verbs to nouns -- 3.1 From D-state verbs to K-state nouns -- 3.1.1 Asymmetries with place modifiers -- 3.1.2 Asymmetries with manner modifiers -- 3.1.3 Asymmetries with temporal readings of modifiers -- 3.2 Two classes of D-state verbs -- 4. Analysis: Some D-states contain a K-state -- 4.1 Flexible D-states contain a K-state: Semantic evidence -- 4.2 Matching the semantics with the internal projections of the verb -- 5. Conclusions and extensions -- References -- I know the answer' -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Some Capeverdean statives need ta for a non-past reading -- 2.1 The data that resist the stativity explanation -- 2.1.1 Overt temporal morphemes -- 2.1.2 Why stativity is not enough -- 2.2 Stative properties of these present situations.

3. The relevant state is a Perfect state -- 4. Cross-linguistic idiosyncrasies of 'know' -- 5. Final remarks -- References -- Stressed vowel duration and stress placement in Italian -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Italian stress position and vowel duration -- 2.1 Stress position -- 2.2 Stress is contrastive -- 2.3 Stressed vowel duration -- 2.4 Explanations of vowel duration -- 3. Experiment -- 3.1 Design of the experiment -- 3.2 Results -- 3.2.1 Post-tonic vowels of proparoxytones: Duration -- 3.2.2 Post-tonic vowels of proparoxytones: Centralization -- 4. Interpretation of the results and analysis -- 4.1 Stressed vowels -- 4.2 Duration and centralization of post-tonic vowels -- 5. Principles of stress assignment -- 5.1 Non-lexical stress and syllable weight -- 5.2 Stress assignment and number of syllables -- 5.2.1 Further data on stress shift -- 5.3 Provisional conclusions and discussion of previous explanations -- 6. Feet and stress assignment in Italian -- 6.1 Foot types -- 6.2 Non-lexical stress -- 7. Conclusions and further directions -- References -- Serial prosodification and voiced stop geminates in Catalan* -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Data -- 3. Theoretical background -- 3.1 Harmonic serialism and prosodification -- 3.2 A theory of serial syllabification in Harmonic Serialism -- 3.3 The domain of syllabification -- 4. Harmonic serialism analysis -- 4.1 Root-internal clusters -- 4.2 Root-final /bl/ clusters -- 4.3 Root-final /bɾ/ clusters -- 4.4 Voiced stop plus lateral root-final clusters followed by overt inflectional suffixes -- 5. Conclusions -- References -- Interfacing information and prosody -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The prosody of French in-situ questions: An experimental investigation -- 2.1 Experimental design -- 2.1.1 Participants and procedure -- 2.1.2 Stimuli -- 2.1.3 Analysis -- 2.2 Results.

3. The information structure of French wh-in-situ questions -- 4. Prosody-information structure interface -- References -- VP Ellipsis -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Analysis of the Capeverdean data -- 3. Some consequences of the proposed analysis -- 3.1 The structural locus of parametric variation: T/Asp as the key to VPE, according to Cyrino and Matos (2005) -- 3.2 Σ as the key to VP (and TP) Ellipsis -- 3.3 Language-internal restrictions to VPE: the case of Catalan and Spanish imperatives -- 3.4 Subject deletion: the contrast between Capeverdean and Brazilian Portuguese -- 4. Conclusion -- References -- Anti-repair effects under ellipsis -- 1. Introduction -- 2. On Kayne's generalization: Syntax or PF? -- 3. Focus fronting, clitic doubling and island repair -- 4. Anti-repair effects under ellipsis: Diagnosing (post-)syntactic resumption -- 4.1 The Ellipsis-morphology generalization -- 4.2 Testing the Elmo Generalization in CD configurations: Anti-repair effects -- 5. More on anti-repair: WCO effects, resumption and ellipsis -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- On the argument structure of the causative construction -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Scope interactions and coarguments -- 2.1 Locality -- 2.1 Superiority -- 2.3 Scope interactions and coarguments -- 3 Structural and scope relations in the causative structure -- 3.1 Structural relations -- 3.2 Scope interactions -- 4. Analysis -- 4.1 Interpretative model -- 4.2 Alternative proposals -- 4.2.1 Zubizarreta (1985) -- 4.2.2 Alsina (1992), Ippolito (2000) -- 4.2.3 Folli and Harley (2007) -- 4.3 A remark on word order -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Index.