Movement Theory of Control -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC Data -- Table of contents -- Abbreviations -- Control as movement -- 1. Preliminaries -- 2. Eliminating PRO -- 2.1 Architectural assumptions -- 2.2 Consequences of PRO-free theory -- 3. Promise and control shift: Applying the logic of minimality -- 3.1 Promise verbs -- 3.2 Control shift -- 4. Visser's generalization -- 4.1 The simple case -- 4.2 The hard case -- 5. Control in nominals -- 6. This volume: An overview -- References -- Part I. Expanding the movement analysis of control -- Movement Theory of Control and CP-infinitives in Polish -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Obligatory Control into CP-infinitives -- 3. Agreement with predicative adjectives in CP-infinitives -- 3.1 Control and case-agreement with predicative adjectives -- 3.2 Predicative adjectives in żeby/so that-infinitives -- 3.3 Agreement with predicative adjectives in interrogative infinitives -- 3.4 CP-infinitives and case-agreement with predicative adjectives -- 4. Genitive of negation and (non)intervention of PRO -- 5. Conclusions -- References -- Obligatory control and local reflexives -- 1. Some facts -- 2. Limitations of binding -- 3. An explicitly conceptual semantics -- 4. Guaranteed sameness and being yourself -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- No objections to Backward Control -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Two major innovations and their consequences for the theories of Control and Raising -- 1.2 Implications of BC for the PRO-analysis of Control and Landau's objections -- 1.3 Our contribution -- 2. Control subjunctives in Greek and Romanian -- 3. Backward Control -- 3.1 No restructuring -- 3.2 The subject is truly embedded -- 3.3 An unpronounced subject in the matrix clause -- 4. Case properties of BC in Greek and Romanian -- 4.1 A comparison with Tsez with respect to the Control chain.

4.2 Multiply Case Marked Chains -- 4.3 Two Cases: An argument against Movement? -- 5. How to account for the BC parameter -- 5.1 A potential answer to question 1 -- 5.2 Towards an answer to question 2 -- 5.3 BC in Spanish -- 6. Open questions -- References -- Possessor raising through thematic positions -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The impoverishment of the agreement system within the DP domain -- 3. Evidence for a movement analysis for null possessors -- 3.1 Possessor raising in unaccusative predicates -- 3.2 Anaphoric behavior -- 3.3 Locality -- 3.4 Obligatory control properties -- 3.5 Specificity -- 3.6 Relative clauses -- 4. 3rdP null possessors inside adjuncts -- 5. Null possessors inside coordinate structures -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- Part II. Unexplored control phenomena -- Clitic climbing in archaic Chinese -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Positions for object pronouns in subject control contexts -- 2.1 A mixed picture -- 2.2 Breakdown of the data -- 3. Analysis of raising with mo 'none' -- 3.1 Characteristics of mo 'none' -- 3.2 Cliticization and control -- 4. Raising to object? -- 5. Fu and Bu: Two types of 'not' -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- Framing the syntax of control in Japanese (and English) -- Introduction -- 1. Distilling the construction -- 2. Control and the bare ni construction -- 2.1 Making the case for Control -- 2.1.1 Bare ni adjunct requires a possessed noun -- 2.1.2 Possessor of 'NP ni' is a controlled nominal rather than PRO -- 2.1.3 Bare ni adjunct cannot be a matrix subject/topic/focus -- 2.1.4 Bare 'NP ni' phrase has an OC possessor -- 2.2 The category of the adjuncts: Bare ni is PP, ni site is TP -- 3. Event-induced opacity to control -- 3.1 te verbs and bare (renyookei) verbs -- 3.2 Event-induced opacity -- 3.3 Classic cases of control in Japanese -- 4. Exhaustive Control (EC) and the calculus of events.

4.1 EC and PC in English -- 4.2 Problems with the calculus of tense -- 4.3 Events in place of tense -- 4.4 Bare ni adjuncts and event-based opacity to movement -- Acknowledgements -- References -- Split control and the Principle of Minimal Distance -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Mood particles and obligatory control -- 2.1 Decisives and imperatives -- 2.2 Diagnostic properties of OC -- 2.3 null equivalent of overt indexicals -- 3. Split control and the exhortative use of -(y)oo -- 3.1 Where split control is licensed -- 3.2 Reciprocal and reflexive predicates -- 4. Split control and the PMD -- 4.1 A gap in the mood paradigm -- 4.2 An analysis of split control -- 4.3 A note on the root case -- 5. Conclusions -- References -- Towards a typology of control in DP -- 1. Introduction -- 2. OC in DP -- 2.1 Implicit agents and apparent NOC -- 2.2 The OC nature of the infinitive subject -- 3. NOC in DP -- 4. The predictions for the distribution of OC and NOC in DP -- 5. Problems and prospects -- 6. Conclusions -- References -- Part III. Beyond control -- The argument structure of evaluative adjectives -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Adjectival control -- 3. Evaluative adjectives -- 4. Diagnostics -- 4.1 Argument structure: Raising/control -- 4.2 Reference: Obligatory/non-obligatory control -- 4.3 Entailment -- 4.4 Summary -- 5. Analysis -- 5.1 Adjunct control -- 5.1.1 Thematic structure -- 5.1.2 Adjunction site -- 5.2 Sentential subject alternation -- 5.2.1 Non-local control -- 5.2.2 Alternation -- 5.3 Summary and implications -- 5.4 Accounting for nominals -- 5.5 More alternate mismatches -- 6. Implications for the movement theory of control -- 6.1 Noun complement constructions -- 6.2 Selection -- 7. Conclusion -- References -- Object control in Korean -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Object control in Korean -- 3. Differences between ACC1 and ACC 2.

4. Structure of ACC1 and ACC2 -- 4.1 ACC1 -- 4.2 ACC2 -- 5. Backward object control or another instance of non-obligatory control? -- 5.1 Basic properties of the nominative construction -- 5.2 Possible analyses of the nominative construction -- 5.3 The nominative construction as non-obligatory control -- 6. Conclusions -- References -- Index -- The series Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today.