1 Introduction -- 1 The Headedness of syllables -- 1.1 The Headedness Hypothesis (HH) -- 2 Theoretical background -- 2.1 Syllable structure -- 2.2 Feature geometry -- 2.3 Specification and underspecification -- 2.4 Skeletal tier -- 2.5 Model of the grammar -- 2.6 Optimality Theory -- 3 Data -- 4 Organisation of the book -- 4.1 Chapter 2 -- 4.2 Chapter 3 -- 4.3 Chapter 4 -- 4.4 Chapter 5 -- 4.5 Chapter 6 -- 4.6 Chapter 7 -- 4.7 Chapter 8 -- 4.8 Appendices -- 2 Vowel quality and rhyme structure in Dutch -- 1 Introduction -- 2 The Dutch vowel system -- 3 Tenseness versus length: The case of Dutch -- 3.1 The argument for length -- 3.2 The arguments against length -- 4 A theory based on the feature lax -- 5 [lax] and syllable structure in vowel harmony -- 5.1 Tenseness and branchingness in Dutch -- 5.2 Formalization in Optimality Theory -- 6 Some more arguments for the length of A-vowels -- 6.1 Tenseness cannot be defined in a satisfactory way phonetically -- 6.2 Minimality requires branching -- 6.3 A-vowels form the domain of tonal contour in Limburg Dutch -- 7 Richness of the base -- 8 Conclusion -- 9 Appendix: Historical overview -- 9.1 Dutch structuralism -- 9.2 Pre-generative literature -- 9.3 Early generative grammar -- 9.4 Bisegmental analyses in generative phonology -- 3 Tilburg Dutch and Standard Dutch vowel length -- 1 Details in the Standard Dutch vowel system -- 1.1 Diphthongs -- 1.2 Ambisyllabicity -- 1.3 r-lengthening -- 1.4 The phonetic nature of the tensing feature -- 1.5 Extrasyllabicity and catalexis -- 2 A dialect with real length: Tilburg Dutch -- 2.1 The vowel system -- 2.2 Why only lax vowels can be long -- 2.3 Vowel shortening -- 2.4 Analysis -- 2.5 Long vowels in other Brabant dialects -- 2.6 The limited distribution of long vowels -- 2.7 Conclusion -- 3 Derivation of the Dutch vowel system -- 4 Conclusion.

4 Derived schwa in Dutch -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Properties of r-schwa -- 2.1 Word-initial position -- 2.2 Word-final position -- 2.3 Vowel quality -- 2.4 Stress -- 2.5 Closed syllables -- 2.6 Style registers -- 3 Properties of e-schwa -- 3.1 The epenthetic vowel is schwa -- 3.2 E-schwa does not occur at the end of the word -- 3.3 E-schwa only occurs in the last syllable of the word -- 3.4 Word-internal contexts in which e-schwa does not occur -- 3.5 Style registers -- 4 Summary and conclusion -- 5 Dutch U-schwa -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Properties of u-schwa -- 2.1 Syllable weight -- 2.2 U-schwa does not occur word-initially -- 2.3 Some other segmental effects -- 2.4 The onset of schwa-syllables -- 2.5 The coda of schwa-headed syllables -- 2.6 Degenerate and schwa-headed syllables -- 2.7 Obligatory versus optional epenthesis -- 2.8 Again on complex onsets -- 2.9 Schwa surrounded by identical consonants -- 2.10 Schwa after ng -- 2.11 U-schwa and stress -- 2.12 Adjacency between schwa and full vowels -- 2.13 Complementary distribution of u-schwa and e-schwa -- 2.14 Schwa-deletion -- 2.15 Conclusion -- 3 Previous analyses of u-schwa -- 3.1 Reduction Theory -- 3.2 Epenthesis Theory -- 3.3 No-Syllable Theory -- 4 Remaining problems -- 4.1 Final Devoicing -- 4.2 Superheavy syllables before schwa -- 4.3 Post-lexical u-schwa -- 4.4 Umlaut -- 5 Conclusion -- 6 Table of properties -- 6 Schwa in French and Norwegian -- 1 Introduction -- 2 French -- 2.1 E-schwa is the epenthetic vowel -- 2.2 E-schwa does not occur at the end of the word -- 2.3 U-schwa must occur in an open syllable -- 2.4 Laxing in the head of a foot -- 2.5 U-schwa does not occur at the beginning of the word -- 2.6 Consonant clusters before schwa cannot be possible complex onsets -- 2.7 Schwa is stressless -- 2.8 Schwa cannot occur next to a vowel -- 2.9 Schwa deletion -- 2.10 A parameter.

2.11 Conclusion plus a note on learnability -- 3 Norwegian -- 3.1 Schwa is the epenthetic vowel -- 3.2 Epenthetic schwa does not occur at the end of the word -- 3.3 Schwa must occur in an open syllable -- 3.4 Schwa does not occur at the beginning of the word -- 3.5 Consonant clusters before schwa cannot be possible complex onsets -- 3.6 Alternation with degenerate syllables -- 3.7 Conclusion and another note on learnability -- 4 Conclusion -- 7 A vowel-glide alternation in Rotterdam Dutch -- 1 Introduction -- 2 The second person clitic -- 2.1 Hiatus -- 2.2 Hiatus after high vowels -- 2.3 After coronal stops -- 2.4 Third person singular clitic -- 3 The diminutive suffix -- 4 Sievers's Law -- 5 Other issues -- 5.1 Clitics and the diminutive in Standard Dutch -- 5.2 Lexical forms -- 5.3 The underlying form of 2S is not /i/ -- 5.4 High vowel followed by schwa -- 5.5 1st person plural clitic -- 6 Conclusion -- 8 The projection constraint family -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Projection and weakness -- 3 The foot level -- 4 The N level -- 5 The rhyme -- 6 Nuclear level -- 7 Features -- 8 Constraints conflicting with projection and weakness -- 9 Conclusion -- Appendices -- A Constraints and families of constraints -- 1 Prosodie well-formedness -- 1.1 Syllable well-formedness -- 1.2 Foot well-formedness -- 1.3 Word well-formedness -- 2 Autosegmental representations -- 3 Feature cooccurrence and licensing -- 4 Parsing -- 5 Constraints against unnecessary structure -- 6 Ad hoc constraint -- B Arguments for ranking -- 1 Topology of the Dutch lexicon -- 2 Topology of the Dutch postlexical phonology -- C Ranking schemes -- 1 Topology of the Standard Dutch lexicon -- 2 Topology of the Standard Dutch postlexical phonology -- 3 Topology of the French phonology -- 4 Topology of the Rotterdam Dutch phonology -- References -- Language index -- Subject index.