Advances in the Syntax of DPs -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Dedication page -- Table of content -- List of contributors -- List of abbreviations -- List of figures -- Editors' note -- Preface -- Introduction -- References -- The overgeneration problem and the case of semipredicatives in Russian -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Some empirical and conceptual issues -- 2.1 "Divided" control -- 2.2 The problem of variation -- 3. Some alternative approaches -- 3.1 Vertical binding -- 3.2 Control as movement -- 3.3 A probe-goal and Agree account -- 3.4 A government and binding account -- 4. Comparison of approaches: Overarching issues -- 4.1 Agreement in case -- 4.2 Variation -- 4.3 Avoiding overgeneration -- 5. Semipredicatives versus other adjectives -- 5.1 Some data and puzzles -- 5.2 Direct assignment -- 6. Components of a solution -- 6.1 Some leading ideas -- 6.1.1 Agreement versus assignment -- 6.1.2 Dative versus instrumental -- 6.1.3 Arguments versus adjuncts -- 6.2 Predicate adjective agreement is local -- 6.2.1 Structure is parsimonious -- 6.3 Semipredicatives versus ordinary adjectives -- 6.3.1 Why ordinary adjectives do not enter into the SD -- 6.3.2 Why semipredicatives are not default instrumental -- 6.3.3 Why ordinary adjectives always have an instrumental option -- 6.3.4 Why semipredicatives must agree where ordinary adjectives can -- 6.3.5 Why agreement under obligatory Object Control is only possible for semipredicatives -- 6.4 Brief thoughts on variation -- 6.5 Movement, multi-attachment, timing, and feature sharing -- References -- Polish equatives as symmetrical structures -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Inventory of Polish equatives -- 3. How do equatives differ from predicational and specificational clauses in Polish? -- 3.1 Predicational and specificational clauses in Polish.

3.2 Equatives vs. predicational and specificational clauses in Polish -- 4. Asymmetrical structure for Polish equatives -- 5. Symmetrical structure of Polish equatives -- 5.1 Pereltsvaig's (2001, 2007) analysis -- 5.2 Pereltsvaig's analysis applied to Polish -- 6. Summary -- References -- Syntactic (dis)agreement is not semantic agreement -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Two types of number mismatch -- 2.1 Singulars with plural agreement ('sg/pl') -- 2.2 Plurals with singular agreement ('pl/sg') -- 2.3 The proposal -- 3. Two types of number mismatch: Empirical evidence -- 3.1 Distribution: Copular clauses versus verbal predicates -- 3.2 Binding and control -- 3.3 Semantic properties of the subject -- 3.3.1 Quantification -- 3.3.2 Definiteness, specificity and genericity -- 3.4 Productivity -- 4. An analysis of phi-feature mismatches -- 4.1 Previous proposals -- 4.2 Against a one-level model -- 4.3 A two-level model of agreement -- 4.4 Application to pl/sg and sg/pl -- 4.5 Residual problems -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- A note on oblique case -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Oblique case, indeclinable nominals, and a Case Realization Condition -- 2.1 Undeclined nominals -- 2.2 Oblique case and a case realization requirement -- 3. The Puzzle -- 4. Oblique case is uniformly P-governed: The P-copying proposal -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- The structure of null subject DPs and agreement in Polish impersonal constructions -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Overview of the paper -- 2. Two types of impersonal constructions -- 2.1 The SIĘ construction -- 2.1.1 Cross-linguistic perspective -- 2.2 The -NO/-TO construction -- 2.3 Subjects in the SIĘ and -NO/-TO constructions -- 2.3.1 Availability of subject-oriented adverbials -- 2.3.2 Control and binding -- 2.3.3 Nominative subjects and oblique phrases -- 2.4 The phi-specification of a covert subject.

3. How are the values of phi-features on predicative complements established? -- 3.1 Sigurðsson (2004, 2009), Frascarelli (2007), and Holmberg (2010a,b) -- 3.2 1st/2nd personal pronouns vs. 3rd personal pronouns -- 3.3 The Feature Geometry of Pronouns: Harley and Ritter (2002) -- 3.4 Some consequences and predictions for the theory of pronouns -- 4. The SIĘ particle -- 5. Agreement -- 6. Case -- 7. Conclusion -- References -- The feature geometry of generic inclusive null DPs in Hungarian -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 The four major types of Null Subject Languages -- 1.2 Some facts about null DPs in Hungarian -- 2. The semantic interpretation of generic inclusive lexical and null DPs -- 2.1 Some interpretive differences between generic inclusive ONE and generic exclusive PEOPLE -- 2.2 The connection between generic inclusive ONE and PROGN -- 2.3 Generic inclusive lexical and null dative experiencer DPs of psych-impersonal predicates in Hungarian -- 3. The feature geometry of generic inclusive vs. unique reference DPs -- 3.1 The feature composition of generic inclusive vs. referential null DPs in Hungarian -- 3.2 The inventory of generic inclusive lexical and null DPs in a crosslinguistic perspective -- 4. Summary -- References -- Possessives within and beyond NP -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Ezafe-2 and ezafe-3: Formal properties -- 3. Ezafe-2 and ezafe-3: The position of the possessor -- 4. Ezafe-2 and ezafe-3: The size of the possessor -- 5. Ezafe-2 and ezafe-3: The interpretation of the possessor -- 6. Conclusions and significance -- References -- On pre-nominal classifying adjectives in Polish -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Classifying vs. qualifying adjectives (Rutkowski & Progovac 2005 and Rutkowski 2007, 2009, 2012) -- 3. Bouchard's (2002) representational theory.

4. Bouchard's representational theory applied to adjectival modification in Polish (CPT 2011a,b) -- 5. The semantic interpretation of pre-nominal and post-nominal classifying adjectives -- 6. Information structure and the placement of classifying adjectives -- 7. Conclusion -- References -- Determiners and possessives in Old English and Polish -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Variant I: Determiner-possessive -- 3. Variant II: Possessive-determiner -- 4. Possessives and determiners in non-adjacent configurations -- 5. A note on the grammatical status of ten, ta, to and se, seo þæt -- 6. Conclusions -- References -- Agreement and definiteness in Germanic DPs -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Two patterns in Germanic DPs -- 1.2 Spreaders, realizers, and licensors -- and why we ignore licensors here -- 2. The weak/strong declension: Two licensor-free accounts -- 2.1 A spreader account of C -- 2.2 A realizer account -- 2.3 A brief comparison -- 3. Two licensor-free accounts for Danish -EN -- 3.1 A spreader account of -EN -- 3.2 A realizer account of -EN -- 3.3 A brief comparison -- 4. Some additional challenges -- 4.1 Icelandic -- 4.2 Double definiteness -- 4.3 Greek -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Transparent free relatives -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The semantics of TFRs -- 3. Case-effects in FRs and TFRs -- 4. Summary and conclusions -- References -- Index.