The Genesis of Syntactic Complexity -- Title page -- LCC data -- Dedication -- Table of contents -- Copyright acknowledgment -- Preface -- Part 1. Background -- Chapter 1. Complexity -- 1.1. Complexity and syntax -- 1.2. Developmental domains -- 1.3. Developmental trends in the genesis of syntactic complexity -- 1.3.1 From words to simple clauses -- 1.3.2 From clauses to chains to embedded clauses -- 1.4. The neuro-cognitive basis of syntactic complexity -- 1.4.1 Cognition and syntactic complexity -- 1.4.2 The neuro-cognition of syntactic complexity -- 1.4.3. Brain localization -- 1.5. Bio-evolutionary context -- Chapter 2. The adaptive approach to grammar -- 2.1 General orientation -- 2.2 Representation and communication -- 2.3 Human language as a combinatorial system -- 2.4 Grammar -- 2.4.1 Preliminaries -- 2.4.2 Grammar as structure -- 2.4.3 Grammar as function -- 2.5 Grammar and other minds -- 2.5.1 Mental models of epistemic states -- 2.5.2 Mental models of deontic states -- 2.6 The adaptive ecology of human communication -- 2.7 Cultural evolution -- Part 2. Diachrony -- Chapter 3. The diachrony of grammar -- 3.1. Diachrony and evolution* -- 3.2. Diachronic change, typological diversity and language universals -- 3.3. Case study: The diachronic typology of passive clauses -- 3.3.1 Preliminaries -- 3.3.2 The typology of passive constructions -- 3.3.3 Early vs. late stages of grammaticalization -- 3.3.4 Grammatical relations in the passive clause -- 3.3.5 Structural re-analysis: Early vs. late-stage grammaticalization -- 3.3.5.1 Reversion to nominative subject in the Lunda passive -- 3.3.5.2 Reversion to nominative in the Guarijío and Tarahumara passive -- 3.3.5.3 Retreat from nominative in the Spanish reflexive-passive -- 3.4. Syntactic change and the genesis of grammatical morphology.

3.5. Methodological aspects of diachronic reconstruction -- 3.6. Conclusion -- 3.6.1 Diachronic determination of synchronic traits -- 3.6.2 Change, variation and adaptive selection -- Chapter 4. Multiple routes to clause union -- 4.1. Introduction -- 4.2. Preliminaries -- 4.2.1 Grammaticalization, co-lexicalization and clause union -- 4.2.2 Functional and structural dimensions of clause union -- 4.2.2.1 Event integration and clause union: The Complementation scale -- 4.2.2.2 Finiteness -- A. Extreme nominalizing (embedding) languages -- B. Extreme finite ('non-embedding') languages -- 4.3 Two diachronic routes to clause-union -- 4.3.1 Preamble -- 4.3.2 Clause-union in equi-subject (SS) configurations -- 4.3.2.1 Verb adjacency and co-lexicalization -- 4.3.2.2 Finiteness gradients and grammaticalization -- 4.3.3 Clause-union in switch-subject (DS) configurations -- 4.4. The transfer of finite morphology from chains to serial clauses -- 4.5. Other types of complex predicates -- 4.5.1 Clearly serial -- 4.5.2 Clearly embedded -- 4.5.2.1 Cognate object constructions -- 4.5.2.2 Ideophone constructions -- 4.5.2.3 Co-verb constructions -- 4.5.3 Complex multi-stem verbal word -- 4.5.3.1 Pre-verbal incorporation of post-positions in Rama -- 4.5.3.2 Pre-verbal incorporated preposition in Romance and Germanic -- 4.5.3.3 Incorporated objects, instruments, adverbs and verbs in No. Uto Aztecan -- 4.5.3.4 Pre-verbal incorporated 'adverbial' stems in Athabaskan -- 4.6. Final reflections -- Chapter 5. The diachrony of relative clauses -- 5.1. Introduction -- 5.2. From clause-chaining to embedding -- 5.3. From parenthetical non-restrictive to embedded REL-clauses -- 5.4. Are nominalized REL-clauses a separate diachronic pathway? -- 5.5. Word-order typology and the diachronic source of REL-clauses -- 5.6. Cleft and WH-questions.

5.7. WH pronouns as REL-pronouns: A third pathway? -- 5.8. Conclusion -- Part 3. Ontogeny -- Chapter 6. Child language acquisition -- 6.1. Preliminaries -- 6.2. Communicative ecology -- 6.3. Early lexicon and the one-word stage -- 6.4. Pre-grammatical pidgin communication: The two-word stage -- 6.5. Complex-embedded clauses -- 6.6. Combination vs. expansion -- Chapter 7. The ontogeny of complex verb phrases -- 7.1. Overview -- 7.2. Data-base -- 7.3. Modal interaction units -- 7.3.1 Simple modal interactions -- 7.3.2 Complex modal interactions -- 7.3.3 Boundaries of modal interaction units -- 7.3.4 Identifying the child's speech-act intention -- 7.4. What counts as complex modal construction? -- 7.5. The communicative context: A quantitative analysis -- 7.5.1 Who takes the initiative for launching modal interaction? -- 7.5.2 Spatio-Temporal displacement -- 7.5.3 Speech-act value -- 7.5.4 Subject of modal expressions -- 7.6. Modality-marking grammatical devices -- 7.6.1 General considerations -- 7.6.2 Quantitative analysis -- 7.6.2.1 Stage-I -- 7.6.2.2 Stage II -- 7.6.2.3 Stage-III -- 7.7. Cross-turn distributed syntactic complexity: Paratactic precursors of complex verb phrases -- 7.7.1 Qualitative analysis: Types of cross-turn distributed complex modal expressions -- 7 Child responses to grammatically-marked adult modal expression (Nina-II) -- 7 Adult response to child's previous modal turn (Nina-II) -- 7.7.2 Quantitative analysis: Distribution of the various response types across diads and stages -- 7.7.2.1 Child responses to marked modal expressions in the preceding adult turns -- 7.7.2.2 Adult response to unmarked modal expressions in the child's preceding turn -- 7.8. Child-adult comparisons -- 7.9. Conclusion -- 7.9.1 Child development and the communicative context -- 7.9.2 Semantics vs. syntax.

7.9.3 Combination and condensation: From parataxis to syntaxis -- 7.9.4 Early childhood modal structure and the acquisition of Theories of Mind -- Appendix 1 Example and numerical distribution of direct speech-act vs. descriptive uses of complex modal expressions by the children and adults at stage-I -- 1 A: EVE-I: Distribution of child use of complex modal expressions -- 1 B: Eve-I: Distribution of adult use of complex modal expressions -- 1 C: NAOMI-I: Distribution of child use of complex modal expressions -- 1 D: NAOMI-I: Distribution of adult use of complex modal expressions -- 1 E: NINA-I: Distribution of child use of complex modal expressions -- 1 F: NINA-I: Distribution of adult use of complex modal expressions -- Appendix 2: Distribution of direct speech-act vs. descriptive use of complex modal expressions -- 2 A: Distribution of child uses of modal patterns in Eve-II -- 2 B: Distribution of adult uses of modal patterns in Eve-II -- 2 C: Distribution of child uses of modal patterns, Naomi-II -- 2 D: Distribution of adult uses of modal patterns , Naomi-II -- 2 E: Distribution of child uses of modal patterns, Nina-II -- 2 F: Distribution of adult uses of modal patterns in Nina-II -- Appendix 3: Distribution of direct speech-act vs. descriptive use of complex modal expressions -- 3 A: Distribution of child uses of modal patterns, Eve-III -- 3 B: Distribution of adult uses of modal patterns, Eve-III -- 3 C: Distribution of child uses of modal patterns, Naomi-III -- 3D: Distribution of adult uses of modal patterns, Naomi-III -- 3 E: Distribution of child uses of modal patterns, Nina-III -- 3F: Distribution of adult uses of modal patterns, Nina-III -- Chapter 8. The ontogeny of relative clauses -- 8.1. Introduction -- 8.1.1 The adaptive ecology of REL-clauses -- 8.1.2 The grammar referent tracking -- 8.2. Texts and subjects.

8.3. REL-clause types in the CHILDES texts -- 8.3.1 What counts as a REL-clause? -- 8.4. The communicative use of restrictive post-nominal modifiers: Qualitative analysis -- 8.4.1 Early stage (III -- ca. 2 -- 6-2 -- 8) -- 8.4.2 Intermediate stage (IV -- ca. age 3 -- 6) -- 8.4.3 Late stage (V -- ca. age 4 -- 6) -- 8.5. The communicative ecology of REL-clause acquisition: Quantitative analysis -- 8.5.1 Displaced referents -- 8.5.2 Displaced temporality -- 8.5.3 Length of coherent clause-chains inside single turns -- 8.5.4 Speech-act distribution -- 8.6. Paratactic precursors of children's REL clauses -- 8.7. Conclusion -- 8.7.1 The adaptive ecology of child communication -- 8.7.2 Adaptive-communicative context and syntactic development -- 8.7.3 Expansion' vs. 'condensation': From parataxis to syntaxis -- 8.7.4 Whither 'recursivity'? -- Chapter 9. Second-language pidgin -- 9.1. Introduction -- 9.2. Pre-grammar: Syntactic regularities in pidgin communication -- 9.3. Some neurological correlates of pidgin communication -- 9.4. Conclusion -- Part 4. Biology, neuro-cognition and evolution -- Chapter 10. From single words to verbal clauses -- 10.1. Introduction* -- 10.2. Zero anaphora and verbless clauses -- 10.3. Verbless clauses in spoken Ute narrative -- 10.3.1 Flexible word-order in Ute -- 10.3.2 Verbless constituents under separate intonation contours -- 10.3.3 Text distribution of verbal vs. verbless clauses in Ute -- 10.4. Verbless ('scattered') constituents in spoken English -- 10.5. Are verbless clauses well-governed? -- 10.5.1 Government of verbless clauses in English conversation -- 10.5.2 Government of verbless clauses in spoken Ute narratives -- 10.6. Verbless clauses in early child language -- 10.7. Verbless clauses in second language pidgin -- 10.8. Verbless clauses in Broca's aphasia speech -- 10.9. Summary -- 10.10. Discussion.

10.10.1 Indexing verbless constituents to adjacent verbal clauses.