DEGREES OF RESTRUCTURING IN CREOLE LANGUAGES -- Editorial page -- Title page -- Copyright page -- Table of contents -- Introduction: "Degrees of restructuring" in creole languages? -- Acknowledgements -- References -- Semi-creolization: Problemsin the development of theory -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Semi-creolization versus decreolization -- 3. African American Vernacular English -- 4. Brazilian Vernacular Portuguese -- 5. Non-standard varieties of Caribbean Spanish (NSCS) -- 6. Afrikaans -- 7. Réunionnais -- 8. Conclusions -- References -- Theories of creolization and the degree and nature of restructuring -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Theoretical approaches -- 2.1. The Bickerton approach -- 2.2. The gradual basilectalization approach -- 2.3. Lefebvre 's relexifìcation hypothesis -- 2.4. Mainstream approaches -- 3. A constructive approach -- 4. Restructuring and "typical" creole features -- 5. Conclusions -- References -- Creolization is a social, not a structural, process -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Creoles as outcomes of natural and normal language evolution -- 3. The developers of creoles had target systems -- 4. Creoles as disfranchised dialects of their lexifiers -- 5. Is there justification for specializing on creoles? -- 6. In conclusion -- References -- Defining "creole" as a synchronic term -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Epistemology of the Creole Prototype -- 3. Specifying the three traits of the Creole Prototype -- 3.1. Inflectional affixation -- 3.2. Tone -- 3.3. Noncompositional derivation -- 4. The gradience of the Prototype -- 4.1. Typological similarity of source languages -- 4.2. Diachronic drift -- 4.3. Heavy substrate contact -- 4.4. Heavy superstrate contact -- 4.5. Implications for the Creole Prototype Hypothes is -- 5. Situating gradience within the model: Demonstration case - Haitian Creole -- 5.1. Haitian "inflection"?.

5.2. Noncompos itional derivation -- 5.3. Haitian within the Creole Prototype model: Still in the middle -- 5.3.1. Import of Haitian derivation -- 5.3.2. Accounting for gradience: Predictions from other perspectives -- 5.3.3. Accounting for gradience: Specifying sociohistorical conditions for the Prototype -- 6. Older languages conforming to the Prototype? -- 7. Conclusion -- References -- Opposite processes in "creolization" -- References -- Two types of restructuring in French creoles: A cognitive approach to the genesis of tense markers -- 1. Grammaticalization: a cognitive-pragmatic approach -- 1.1. The initial stages of grammaticalization -- 1.2. Polygenetic meaning change and grammaticalization: French Creole fini -- 1.3. Later stages of grammaticalization: the loss of present relevance -- 2. Reanalysis in creolization -- 2.1. The principle of restructuring in the FrCr's -- 2.2. Creole tense markers brought about by reanalysis -- 2.3. Conclusion -- 3. Reanalysis or grammaticalization? Sorting out the FrCr future markers -- References -- The fate of subject pronouns: Evidence from creole and non-creole languages -- 1. Introduction -- 2. From subject pronoun to predicate marker: Evidence from creole languages -- 2.1. Seychelles Creole -- 2.2. Reunion Creole -- 2.3. Tok Pisin -- 2.4. Comparison of creole languages with a preverbal marker i -- 3. Parallels from non-creole languages -- 3.1. Germanic -- 3.2. Romance -- 4. What is the motivation for these changes? -- 4.1. Iconicity vs frequency -- 4.2. Further evidence for a frequency-based explanation -- 5. From subject pronoun to copula -- 6. Conclusion -- Abbreviations -- References -- Reassessing the role of demographics in language restructuring -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The role of demographics -- 3. The linguistic data: Quantifying creoleness -- 3.1. How reliable are the results ?.

4. The demographic data and the problems inherent in demographic reconstruction -- 5. Discussion of the results of the comparison -- 5.1. Complicating factors -- 5.1.1. Diffusion -- 5.1.2. The role of motivation -- 5.1.3. Other relevant factors -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- "Intermediate" creoles and degrees of change in creole formation: The case of Bajan -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Origins of Bajan -- 2.1. The socio-historical background -- 2.1.1. Stage 1. 1627-1650: The pre-plantation period -- 2.1.2. Stage 2. 1650 - 1680: The early plantation period -- 2.1.3. Stage 3: 1680 - 1800: The core plantation period -- 2.2. The linguistic inputs -- 2.2.1. African inputs -- 2.2.2. The emergence of the Bajan TMA system -- 2.2.3. Sources of present habitual does -- 2.2.4. Relative past did -- 2.2.5. Completive perfect done -- 2.3. The role of "decreolization " in the formation of Bajan -- 3. Summary and implications -- References -- Differential creolization: Some evidence from Earlier African American VernacularEnglish in South Carolina -- 1. Introduction: Some thoughts on "differential creolization" -- 2. Gullah vs. AAVE in South Carolina -- 3. Hypothesis and methodology -- 4. Features in idiolects: Select samples -- 4.1. A creole idiolect: Sam Polite -- 4.2. Two semi-creolized idiolects: Ann Ferguson and Adeline Gray -- 4.3. A non-creole idiolect: Isiah Jeffries -- 5. Feature distributions in counties: An implicational approach -- 6. The special case of Horry County -- 7. Conclusion -- References -- Restructuring in vitro? Evidence from Early Krio -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The colonization of the Sierra Leone peninsula: The main settler groups -- 3. The sociolinguistic conditions in early Sierra Leone colony -- 4. The Liberated African variety -- 4.1. The nature and domain of use of the Liberated African variety -- 4.2. A note on the corpus.

4.3. A case study: Regent -- 4.4. Interpretation of the Regent data -- 4.5. Liberated African apprentices - a possible counter-argument? -- 5. Conclusion: Liberated African jargon as "Traders' English" -- References -- Phonological restructuring in creole: The development of paragoge in Sranan -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The historical development of paragoge in Sranan -- 2.1. Paragoge in Modern Sranan -- 2.2. Paragoge reconstructed: Smith (1977) -- 2.3. Paragoge in the earliest Sranan sources -- 2.3.1. Methodology -- 2.3.2. When paragoge? -- 2.3.3. Which vowel is chosen? -- 3. Substrate and Universals in phonological restructuring -- 3.1. The issues -- 3.2. Syllable structure in Sranan's substrate languages -- 4. Remaining problems -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- The development of the life form lexicon of Tok Pisin -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The issue -- 3. Some technical points -- 4. The development of the life form lexicon of Tok Pisin -- 4.1. Some initial observations -- 4.2. The data -- 4.3. Tok Pisin naming of nature -- 4.4. Power and social context in pidginization -- 4.5. Classification and taxonomies -- 4.5.1. Kingdom level -- 4.5.2. Lifeform taxa -- 4.5.3. Generic level -- 4.5.4. Sub generic level and varietal level -- 5. Some notes on etymologizing and English influence -- 6. Conclusions -- References -- APPENDIX I -- APPENDIX II -- APPENDIX III -- Créolisation du français et francisation du créole: Les cas de Saint-Barthélemy et de la Réunion -- La Réunion -- Saint-Barthélemy -- La Réunion et Saint-Barthélémy -- Références -- Restructurations dans un créole "conservateur": Le cas du créole louisianais -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Le concept de restructuration -- 3. Restructuration "différentielle" en créole louisianais -- 4. Conclusions -- Abréviations -- Bibliographie -- The myth of decreolization: The anomalous case of Palenquero.

1. Introduction -- 2. Palenque today -- 3. Palenquero bilingualism, lects, and decreolization -- 3.1. Code-switching -- 3.2. Longitudinal data and evidence for the paucity of restructuring -- 3.2.1. Evidence for the paucity of restructuring -- 4. The myth of decreolization -- 4.1. The myth as a result of the chronology of events in creole studies -- 4.2. The myth: its connection to the monogenetic hypothesis -- 4.3. The myth and its apparent substantiation: the synchronic evidence (interference) -- 5. On language attitudes and why one should expect restructuring in Palenque -- 5.1. The differential prestige of Spanish and Palenquero -- 5.2. Intense co-existence of Palenquero and Spanish -- 5.3. Typological proximity between Palenquero and Spanish -- 5.4. Shared vocabulary -- 6. "Natural changes" that have not occurred in Palenquero grammar -- 6.1. Consistent omission of articles -- 6.2. Word order: the inflexible sequencing of Palenquero object pronouns -- 6.3. Subject pronouns : absence of transfer or blending -- 7. Reasons for resistance to restructuring -- 8. Implications for further research -- References -- Bozal Spanish: Restructuring or creolization? -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The African background -- 2.1. Afro-Cuban demographics -- 2.2. The Yoruba language in Cuba -- 2.3. Bantu languages in Cuba -- 3. Development of preverbal particles in Afro-Cuban pidgin -- 4. Creation of hybrid Spanish-Yoruba verbs in Afro-Cuban pidgin -- 5. Bare infinitives and 3sg. verbs as (Yoruba-influenced) aorists -- 6. Pleonastic lo as an incipient subject clitic in bozal Spanish -- 7. Development of INFL in Afro-Hispanic pidgin: clitics and particles -- 8. Conclusions -- References -- Centre africain et périphérie portugaise dans le Créole santiagais du Cap Vert? -- Le problème -- Caractère spécifique des parallélismes observés -- Explication historique.

Créolisation et restructuration.