Argument Structure and Syntactic Relations : A cross-linguistic perspective.

Argument Structure and Syntactic Relations -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- Argument structure and syntactic relations -- 1. The topic of argument structure -- 2. Major discussions on argument structure -- 2.1 Discussion 1: Is argument structure determined by theta-roles or by event structure? -- 2.2 Discussion 2: Are arguments realized according to a hierarchy (UTAH-like approaches) or does not argument structure follow any hierarchy? -- 2.3 Discussion 3: The lexical projection vs. the functional structure approaches to argument structure -- 3. The present book -- References -- Part I. Semantic and syntactic properties of the event structure -- Aspectual composition in causatives -- 1. Aspectual composition -- 1.1 English type of aspectual composition -- 1.2 Russian type of aspectual composition -- 1.3. Mixed type of aspectual composition -- 1.4 Sources of quantization -- 2. Aspectual composition in indirect causatives -- 3. The proposal -- 3.1 Structure of non-derived verbs and indirect causatives -- 3.2 Quantizing operator as a functional head -- 3.3 Outline of the analysis -- 4. Semantic interpretations -- 4.1 Non-derived verbs -- 4.2 Indirect causatives -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Atelicity and anticausativization -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The problem -- 2.1 The anticausativity puzzle -- 2.2 Failed attempts and partially successful actions -- 3. Solving the puzzle -- 3.1 Sources of atelicity -- 3.2 Rich predicate decomposition -- 3.3 Ramchand's theory of event structure -- 3.4 Event structure of AP- and AS-verbs -- 3.5 Non-culmination -- 3.6 Anticausativization -- 4. Conclusion -- References -- Minimalist variability in the verb phrase -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Evidence for AspP in English -- 2.1 Mass nouns and their aspectual affect -- 2.2 Bare plurals and their aspectual affect.

2.3 Location and goal PPs, CAUSE and their (lack of) aspectual affect -- 3. No evidence for AspP in Russian -- 3.1 No object-to-event mapping in Russian -- 3.2 No sequence of similar events interpretation in Russian -- 3.3 No domain of aspectual interpretation in Russian -- 4. No evidence for AspP in English statives -- 5. Conclusion and consequences -- References -- On the l-syntax of manner and causation -- 1. Hale & Keyser's (2005) l-syntactic analysis of splash/smear verbs -- 2. The l-syntax of splash/smear verbs revisited. Manner conflation as welcome invasion -- 3. Welcome invasion extended: Some typological considerations -- 4. The l-syntax of smear verbs extended: Welcome invasion in complex transitive structures -- 5. The l-syntax of splash verbs extended: Welcome invasion in complex causative structures -- 6. Conclusions -- References -- Nominalization, event, aspect and argument structure -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Some problems for the relation event - argument structure -- 3. Relation event structure - argument structure: some classical views -- 4. Some other problems for the distinction process vs. result nouns -- 5. Two types of eventive nominalizations -- 6. Properties of v -- 7. Developing Alexiadou's proposal -- 8. Conclusion -- References -- Part II. A global view on argument structure -- The syntax of argument structure -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The autonomy of c-selection -- 3. The structure of argument structure -- 4. External c-selection -- 5. The universal structure of AS -- 6. The AS-based derivation of causatives -- 7. The derivation of applicative sentences -- 8. Concluding remarks -- References -- Argument structure and quantifier scope -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Theoretical assumptions -- 3. Empirical arguments -- 3.1 The by-phrase of the passive -- 3.2 Dative alternations -- 3.2.2 Applicative ≠ Goal.

3.3 Argument structure and scope -- References -- Part III. Syntactic heads involved in argument structure -- An l-syntax for adjuncts -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Hale & Keyser's l-syntax and label-free BPS -- 3. VP adjuncts as high applicatives -- 4. VP adjuncts and phase-cycle computation -- 5. Final remarks -- References -- The derivation of dative alternations -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The semantic uniformity of dative alternations -- 2.1 One meaning → two syntactic structures -- 2.2 Poly-polysemic approaches -- 2.3 Conclusions -- 3. Compatible frames... -- 3.1 ... in a projectionist approach -- 3.2 ... in a constructivist approach -- 4. A derivational approach to dative alternations -- 4.1 The classic applicative incorporation -- 4.2 The argument-structure of dative constructions and the "mixed" properties of first and second objects -- 4.3 The effects of P-incorporation -- 5. Structural differences between dative constructions and PP-constructions revisited -- 5.1 Argument structure (undergoer) -- 5.2 Pure structural configurations (after Case) -- 5.3 Agreement relations and the object agreement constraint -- 5.4 Benefactives and the syntax of arguments and adjuncts -- 6. Final remarks -- References -- Basque ditransitives -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Basque ditransitive sentences: Basic data -- 3. The dative alternation hypothesis -- 4. Concerning the categorial status of the dative phrase -- 4.1 Verbal agreement -- 4.2 -Ko adnominalization -- 4.3 Blocking of weak genitive pronouns (mainly eastern dialects) -- 5. The structural relationship between the two objects -- 6. The structure of Basque ditransitive sentences -- 7. High and low applicatives -- 7.1 Unergativity test -- 7.2 Stativity test -- 7.3 Object asymmetry -- 8. Conclusion -- References -- Applicative structure and Mandarin ditransitives -- 1. Introduction.

2. The Mandarin V-gěi double object construction -- 2.1 Background -- 2.2 'V-gěi IO DO' DOC pattern displays low applicative properties -- 2.3 The high applicative position of gěi in the DOC -- 2.4 Evidence that 'V-gěi' is syntactically derived -- 2.5 Evidence that the IO moves out of VP in the DOC -- 2.6 Wrap-up -- 3. The licensing role of applicative heads and the A' restriction on IOs -- 3.1 Countercyclic agree -- 3.2 The A' movement restriction on shifted IOs -- 3.3 Raising applicative structure and the A' restriction -- 3.4 A-movement in Mandarin DOCs -- 4. Morphological exponence and the raising applicative hypothesis -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Unintentionally out of control -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Adversity passives -- 2.1 Passive-like properties of the participle -- 2.3 The derivational origin of få -- 3. AGPs -- 3.1 The origin of AGP-subjects -- 3.2 Out of control -- 4. Conclusion -- References -- Part IV. Argument structure in language acquisition -- Zero time-arguments in French child language -- 1. (Zero) tense in subordinate contexts -- 1.1 Past under past -- 1.2 Present under past -- 1.3 Zero-tenses in SOT vs. non-SOT languages -- 2. Investigating the construals of present and past in French child language -- 2.1 Participants and procedure -- 2.2 The experiment -- 3. Simultaneous construals: Results and discussion -- 3.1 Results -- 3.2 Zero-tenses in child French -- 3.3 Zero-tenses across child grammars -- 3.4 The DA puzzle -- 4. Non-simultaneous/shifted construals: Results and discussion -- 4.1 Results -- 4.2 Temporal adverbs as binders for zero-tenses -- 4.3 Independent construals of RCs and Isomorphism -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Reevaluating the role of innate linking rules in the acquisition of verb argument structure -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 The innate linking hypothesis.

1.2 Usage-based models of language acquisition -- 1.3 Hebrew verbal morphology and word-order -- 1.4 Research hypotheses -- 2. Method -- 2.1 Participants and database -- 2.2 Coding and analysis -- 3. Findings -- 3.1 Children's early (non)proto-typical agent-patient verbs -- 3.2 Word-Order errors -- 3.3 Individual differences and the role of input in VAS acquisition -- 4. Conclusion -- References -- Name and subject index -- The series Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today.