Coreference, Modality, and Focus -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- Preface -- Tensed modals -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Imperfective modals -- 3. Modals and the preterit -- 3.1 The epistemic construal -- 3.2 The entailment reading -- 3.3 The counterfactual reading -- 4. Temporal parameters and modality -- 5. Modals and negation -- 6. The perfect -- 7. Conclusions -- References -- Weak Crossover, specificity and LF chains -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Weakest Crossover -- 3. A formalization of the notion of specificity -- 4. Introducing the specificity tests -- A. Antireconstruction -- B. Weak island extraction -- C. Participial agreement in French -- D. Clitic doubling in Romanian -- E. Extraction from existential constructions -- F. Scope reconstruction -- 5. Methodological remarks -- 6. Specificity tests -- 6.1 A. Antireconstruction -- 6.2 B. Weak island extraction -- 6.3 C. Participial agreement in French -- 6.4 D. Clitic doubling in Romanian -- 6.5 E. Extraction from existential constructions -- 6.6 F. Scope reconstruction -- 6.7 Conclusion -- 7. WCO and LF chains -- 7.1 Specificity and LF chains -- 7.2 WCO configurations -- 8. Future extensions and refinements -- 8.1 Feature transmission under variable binding -- 8.2 Some open empirical issues -- 9. Conclusion -- References -- Conditions on sub-extraction -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Islands and minimalism -- 3. CED effects -- 3.1 On freezing effects in SPEC-T -- 3.2 Phase theory and phase edges -- 3.3 More asymmetries on sub-extraction -- 4. Sub-extraction from objects -- 5. Concluding remarks -- References -- Focus, exhaustivity, and deletion in English Pseudogapping -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Pseudogapping -- 3. The role of focus in the semantics of ellipsis -- 3.1 The question of alternatives -- 3.2 Kratzer's (1991) account.

3.3 Alternatives and contrastiveness: An extension of Kratzer's (1991) theory -- 4. The role of focus in the syntactic derivation of Pseudogapping in English -- 4.1 Previous analyses of Pseudogapping -- 4.1.1 Movement of the remnant: HNPS and Pseudogapping -- 4.1.2 Movement of the remnant: Object Shift -- 4.2 The EPP and focus -- 5. The exhaustivity problem -- 5.1 Focus movement in Hungarian -- 5.2 Exhaustivity in ellipsis -- 5.3 Syntactic focus movement and contrastiveness -- 6. Extension to other ellipsis cases: Sluicing -- 7. Conclusion -- References -- Reconstruction and scope in exclamative sentences -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Two types of exclamative sentences -- 3. Negation in exclamative sentences -- 3.1 Scope effects in exclamative sentences -- 3.2 Apparent counter examples -- 3.3 Exclamative quantifiers as positive polarity items -- 4. Reconstruction and scope -- 5. Conclusions -- References -- Reconstruction without movement -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Resumption -- 3. Reconstruction -- 4. Reconstruction and resumption -- 5. The paradox -- 6. Reconstruction: Issues and parameters -- 6.1 Type of resumption -- 6.2 Type of binding condition: positive vs. negative -- 6.3 Gap vs. resumption -- 6.4 Scope vs. binding reconstruction -- 7. Our proposal: What copies can do -- 7.1 Syntactic asymmetries: On copy processes -- 7.1.1 Reconstruction with weak resumption via ellipsis -- 7.1.2 Reconstruction with strong resumption via movement -- 7.2 Semantic asymmetries: On copy interpretation -- 7.2.1 Resumptives as definite copies -- 7.2.2 Covariant readings of definite copies -- 8. Conclusion -- References -- From polarity to modality -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Emphatic affirmation in Spanish -- 2.1 The affirmative marker sí -- 2.2 Bien as an assertive marker -- 2.3 Bien vs. sí: The illocutionary force of bien.

3. Syntactic analysis of assertive markers bien and sí -- 3.1 Emphatic affirmation and negative polarity Some puzzling asymmetries -- 3.2 The status of emphatic affirmative markers as wh-operators -- 3.3 The position of the subject in emphatic affirmative sentences -- 3.4 Recapitulation: bien and sí in the articulated CP domain -- 4. On the status of que in emphatic affirmative sentences -- 4.1 From bien to bien que -- 4.2 Sí in pre-Comp position -- 4.3 Characterizing que in the CP domain -- 4.3.1 Alternative I: que heads FocusP -- 4.3.2 Alternative II: que heads ForceP -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Beyond the Infinitive vs. Subjunctive Rivalry -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The phenomenon -- 3. From Classical Greek to Modern Greek Tracing back some changes in Greek -- 3.1 Delimiting the object of study -- 3.2 Greek and the loss of infinitives -- 3.3 What lies beneath: surviving changes in Mood -- 3.3.1 Loss of subjunctive in infl -- 3.3.2 The gradual birth of the Subjunctive C -- 3.4 Summary -- 4. Complementation: Parataxis, true embedding and hybrid instances -- 5. The analysis -- 6. Conclusions -- References -- Romance infinitives with subjects, subjunctive obviation and Control Theory -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Control and inflected infinitives: Case-driven accounts -- 3. Control and inflected infinitives: Movement accounts -- 4. Control and inflected infinitives: Attract-driven accounts -- 5. Subjunctive obviation: Some background notions -- 6. Subjunctive properties and inflected infinitives -- 7. Inflected infinitives and a sympathetic theory of control -- 8. Summary and concluding remarks -- References -- On the syntactic features of epistemic and root modals -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Relative scope of Tense and Modals -- 2.1 Epistemic modals scope over tense -- 2.2 The universal hierarchy of functional categories -- 3. Epistemic modals and Force.

3.1 Epistemics and connected speech -- 3.2 Epistemic Modals and Quantifiers -- 3.2.1 Interpretation of declarative Force -- 3.2.2 Syntactic contexts for epistemics and other speech event modifiers -- 3.3 Variation in the features of Force -- 3.3.1 Evidential systems -- 3.3.2 Relative tenses -- 4. Modality and Mood -- 5. Summary -- References -- Subject index -- The series Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today.