CONTENTS -- Preface -- 1 The Semantic Nature of Polarity Sensitivity -- 1.1 Previous approaches -- 1.1.1 Affective as negative -- 1.1.2 Affective as downward entailing -- 1.1.3 Problems with downward entailment as the licensing property -- 1.2 Polarity sensitivity as semantic dependency -- 1.2.1 Polarity items as semantically sensitive expressions -- 1.2.2 The representation of sensitivity -- 1.2.3 Licensing and scope -- 1.3 Polarity sensitivity in dynamic semantics -- 1.3.1 The Stalnakerian context -- 1.3.2 Context and information states in update semantics -- 1.3.3 Models of individuals -- 1.3.4 The nonquantificational approach to indefinites -- 1.3.4.1 Tripartite quantification and unselective binding -- 1.3.4.2 Semantic incorporation: minimizers -- 1.4 Conclusion -- 2 Varieties of Sensitivity in Greek -- 2.1 Sentence structure in Greek -- 2.1.1 Word order and verb movement -- 2.1.2 Mood, complementation, and the structure of IP -- 2.2 The syntactic representation of sentential negation -- 2.2.1 Negative particles in Greek -- 2.2.2 The syntactic status of dhe(n) and min -- 2.3 Affective dependencies -- 2.3.1 Two paradigms of affective polarity items -- 2.3.2. Distributional differences -- 2.3.2.1 Grammatical constructions for both paradigms -- 2.3.2.2 Grammatical contexts for nonemphatics -- 2.3.3 Syntactic differences -- 2.3.4 Semantic differences -- 2.3.5 The sensitivity semantics of emphatics and nonemphatics -- 2.3.6 The role of emphatic accent -- 2.4 Free choice items -- 2.4.1 Distribution -- 2.4.2 The semantics of free choice -- 2.4.3 Linking free choice to limited distribution: episodicity -- 2.5 Mood choice in relative clauses -- 2.5.1 Distribution -- 2.5.2 Subjunctive relatives and entailment of existence -- 2. 6 Conclusion: A Typology of Polarity Items in Greek -- 3 Polarity Dependencies and (Non)veridicality.

3.1 Mood choice and affective dependencies -- 3.1.1 Mood choice in Greek -- 3.1.2 Mood choice and nonemphatics -- 3.1.3 (Non)veridicality as an absolute notion -- 3.1.4 Relativized (non)veridicality -- 3.1.5 A licensing condition for affective polarity items -- 3.2 Determiners, quantifiers and (non)veridicality -- 3.2.1 (Non)veridicality of determiners and quantifiers -- 3.2.2 (Non)veridicality of determiners and affective licensing -- 3.3 Other licensing environments for affective polarity items -- 3.3.1 Modal verbs -- 3.3.2 Nondeclaratives: interrogatives, imperatives, exclamatives -- 3.3.3 Conditionals -- 3.3.4 Habituals -- 3.3.5 Future -- 3.3.6 Nonveridicality and the sensitivity semantics of nonemphatics -- 3.4 Negative polarity -- 3.4.1 NPIs as a proper subset of APIs -- 3.4.2 Indirect licensing -- 3.4.2.1 Rhetorical questions and counterfactual conditionals -- 3.4.2.2 Indirect licensing as a secondary option for APIs -- 3.4.2.3 Indirect licensing of APIs -- 3.4.3 A typology of APIs based on nonveridicality -- 3.4.4 Crosslinguistic considerations -- 3.5 Generalizing (non)veridicality: nonaffective dependencies and any -- 3.5.1 Free choice items -- 3.5.2 Subjunctive relatives -- 3.5.3 Any -- 3.6 Conclusion -- 4 The Syntactic Characterization of the Licensing Domain -- 4.1 Manifestations of negative concord -- 4.1.1. A typology of n-words -- 4.1.2 Varieties of negative concord -- 4.2 The NEG-criterion approach -- 4.2.1 N-words as negative quantifiers -- 4.2.2 N-words and wh-phrases -- 4.2.3 Problems with the NEG-criterion -- 4.3 The nonquantificational approach: n-words as indefinites -- 4.3.1 Acquaviva (1993) -- 4.3.2 Two mechanisms for the licensing of n-words: weak and strong licensing -- 4.3.3 Problems with the nonquantificational approach -- 4.4 N-words as context sensitive expressions -- 4.5 Negative concord and quantifier scope.

4.5.1 The compositionality puzzle solved -- 4.5.2 Dependency and scope for polarity items -- 4.5.3 Emphatic movement and wh-movement -- 4.5.3.1 Overt wh-movement and emphatics long-distance -- 4.5.3.2 Emphatics versus Wh-in situ -- 4.5.4 Emphatic licensing and the scope of universal quantifiers -- 4.5.5 Emphatic dependency and focus -- 4.6 Weak negative dependencies -- 4.6.1 In situ licensing of APIs -- 4.6.2 C-command s-structure or LF? -- 4.6.3 'Specificity' effects -- 4.7 The pragmatic import of negative sentences -- 4.7.1 The pragmatics of negative sentences -- 4.7.1.1 Negative dependencies and the theric-categorical distinction -- 4.7.1.2 The Pragmatic Non-Uniformity Hypothesis -- 4.7.2 Overt emphatic preposing as topicalization -- 4.7.2.1 Presence of a clitic -- 4.7.2.2 Unboundedness -- 4.7.2.3 Stacking -- 4.7.2.4 Island sensitivity -- 4.8 Conclusion -- Conclusions -- Bibliography -- Index.