Cover -- Half-title -- Series-title -- Dedication -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- Notational conventions -- Phonetic transcription -- Rule formalism -- 1 Setting the stage -- 1 Languages and dialects of China -- 2 Historical background -- 2.1 Middle Chinese tonal categories -- 2.2 Tone split -- 2.3 Tone mergers -- 3 Tone patterns in present day dialects -- Interpretation of phonetic data -- 4 Tones in context -- 4.1 Tone sandhi -- 4.2 Tonal coarticulation -- 4.3 Intonational effects: declination and catathesis -- 4.4 Tone sandhi vs. tone change -- 4.4.1 Tone change in Beijing Mandarin -- 4.4.2. Tonal morpheme in Cantonese -- 5 Synchronic relevance of diachrony -- 5.1 Unnatural classes -- 5.2 Unnatural rules -- 5.3 Irreversible mergers and radical restructuring -- 6 Citation tone, base tone, sandhi tone -- 2 Tonal representation and tonal processes -- 1 Tonal representation -- 2 The autosegmental status of tone -- 3 Tonal geometry and the typology of spread/shift rules -- 3.1 Edge effects -- 3.2 Integrity effects -- 3.3 Three models of tonal representation -- 3.4 Contour spread/shift -- 3.5 Register spread/shift -- 3.6 Whole-tone spread/shift -- 3.7 Terminal node spread/shift -- 4 Dissimilation and substitution -- 4.1 Contour vs. register dissimilation -- 4.2 Paradigmatic substitution -- 5 Neutralization and differentiation -- 5.1 Neutralization -- 5.2 Differentiation -- 5.3 Pingyao: construction-sensitive tone sandhi -- 3 Directionality and interacting sandhi processes I -- 1 The nature of the problem -- 2 Tianjin: directionality effect -- 3 A derivational account -- 3.1 Temporal Sequence -- 3.2 Preemptive clause -- 3.3 No-Backtracking -- 4 Constraints on derivation? -- 5 A non-derivational alternative -- 5.1 Output constraints -- 5.2 Alignment -- 6 Cross-level constraints.

6.1 Licit and illicit correspondences -- 6.2 Conceptual problems -- 6.3 Three-level rules -- 7 Harmonic serialism -- 8 Concluding remarks -- 4 Directionality and interacting sandhi processes II -- 1 Changting: preamble -- 2 Temporal Sequence and No-Backtracking -- 3 Temporal sequencing vs. structural affinity -- 3.1 Structural affinity and cyclic effect -- 3.2 Temporal Sequence and rhythmic effect -- 4 Derivational economy and structural complexity -- 4.1 Boshan: basic facts -- 4.2 *Complex…Dervational Economy -- 5 Concluding remarks -- 5 From base tones to sandhi forms: a constraint-based analysis -- 1 Background -- 2 Parallel constraint satisfaction -- 2.1 Restrictions on sandhi patterns -- 2.2 Targets of tone deletion -- 2.3 Determining tone shape -- 3 Constraint ranking -- 3.1 Oblique-oblique sequences -- 3.2 Well-formed falling-rising patterns -- 3.3 Tonal saliency and melodic shape -- 3.4 Melodic integrity and right prominence -- 3.5 Constraint ranking: a summary -- 3.6 Residual problems -- 4 Opacity -- 4.1 "Counterfeeding" rule relation -- 4.2 A representational solution -- 5 Competing strategies -- 5.1 Strict domination vs. numerical weighting -- 5.2 Saliency dispersion -- 6 From tone to accent -- 1 Shanghai: an aborted accentual system? -- 2 New Chongming: an emergent accentual system -- 2.1 The overall picture: one tone per unit -- 2.2 Lexical vs. postlexical sandhi forms -- 3 Culminative accent -- 3.1 One-tone-per-unit constraint -- 3.2 Binarity condition -- 3.3 Long compounds -- 3.4 Postlexical structures -- 4 Saliency and Edgemostness -- 4.1 Trisyllabic compounds -- 4.2 Phrases and long compounds -- 5 Prosodic weight and recursive constraint satisfaction -- 5.1 Weight-to-Accent -- 5.2 Superheavy constituents -- 5.3 Residue: competing analyses -- 6 Tonic clash -- 6.1 De-accentuation and tone deletion -- 6.2 Accent shift.

6.3 Diagnostic value -- 7 Semantically determined prominence -- 8 Leveling -- 7 Stress-foot as sandhi domain I -- 1 The phonological status of stress in Chinese -- 1.2 On justifying metrical structures -- 2 Stress-sensitive tonal phenomena -- 2.1 Loanword phonology -- 2.2 Tangxi: compound vs. phrase stress -- 2.3 Mandarin: iambic reversal -- 3 Shanghai: stress-foot as sandhi domain -- 3.1 Word/compound stress -- 3.2 Phrasal prominence -- 3.3 Stress-based vs. end-based accounts -- 8 Stress-foot as sandhi domain II -- 1 Wuxi: stress shift -- 2 Danyang: asymmetric stress clash -- 2.1 Deriving word melodies -- 2.2 Determining tonal domains -- 2.3 Directional asymmetry -- 2.4 Analogs in Wu and other dialects -- 3 Nantong: stress-foot and p-word -- 3.1 Foot-level vs. word-level rules -- 3.2 Effects of sandhi rules -- 3.3 Rhythmic effects on tone sandhi -- 3.4 Rhythmic organization -- 3.5 Rhythmic organization: an OT perspective -- 3.6 Structure-dependent rhythm -- 3.7 Constraint ranking -- 9 Minimal rhythmic unit as obligatory sandhi domain -- 1 Minimal rhythmic units -- 1.1 Minimality and maximality effects -- 1.2 Structural congruence -- 1.3 Cyclic application of TS -- 1.4 The place of MRUs in the prosodic hierarchy -- 1.5 Tempo, intonation, and emphasis -- 2. A two-pass MRU formation -- 2.1 Lexical integrity -- 2.2 Cyclic MRU formation -- 2.3 Lexical and phrasal TS -- 3 The syntactic word -- 3.1 Modifier + noun -- 3.2 Complex predicates -- 4 The phonological word -- 4.1 Clitic group -- 4.2 Sandhi behavior of clitics -- 4.2.1 Prepositions -- 5 Summary -- 6 The prosodic hierarchy -- 6.1 Branchingness and restructuring -- 6.2 Wrong predictions -- 6.3 Need for PPh? -- 7 Syntactic juncture -- 8 Meaning-based prosodic structure -- 8.1 Sense Unit-based foot formation -- 8.2 Against meaning-based foot formation -- Appendix Prosodic and syntactic word.

10 Phonological phrase as a sandhi domain -- 1 End-based p-phrase -- 1.1 Marginal relevance of stress-feet -- 1.2 Maximal projection -- 1.3 Argument vs. adjunct -- 2 Supporting evidence for p-phrase -- 2.1 Foot construction respects p-phrase boundaries -- 2.2 De-toning within the p-phrase -- 3 M-command or domain c-command -- 3.1 Preverbal arguments -- 3.2 Postverbal adjuncts -- 4 Lexical government -- 4.1 Sentential vs. VP adverbs -- 4.2 NP as DP -- 4.3 Functional relations reinterpreted -- 4.4 Residual problems -- 5 Rhythmic effect in Xiamen -- 5.1 Verse recitation -- 5.2 Idioms -- 11 From tone to intonation -- 1 Wenzhou tone system -- 2 Word-level tone sandhi -- 2.1 Disyllabic compounds -- 2.2 Long compounds -- 2.3 Lexicalized phrases -- 2.4 Special cases of lexical tone sandhi -- 3 Clitic groups -- 4 Phrasal tone sandhi -- 4.1 Pretonic positions -- 4.2 Posttonic positions -- 5 Intonation phrasing -- 6 Tonic prominence -- 6.1 Stressability hierarchy -- 6.2 Syllable count -- 6.3 Emphasis, contrast -- Concluding remarks -- Bibliographical appendix Tone sandhi across Chinese dialects -- 1 Doctoral theses -- 2 Cross-dialectal -- 3 Mandarin dialects -- 3.1 Beijing Mandarin -- 3.2 Tianjin -- 4 Jin dialects -- 5 Wu dialects -- 5.1 Shanghai -- 5.2 Suzhou -- 5.3 Chongming -- 5.4 Wenzhou/Wenling -- 5.5 Other Wu dialects -- 6 Min dialects -- 6.1 Fuzhou -- 6.2 Xiamen/Taiwanese -- 6.3 Other Min dialects -- 7 Hakka dialects -- 8 Yue dialects -- References -- Subject index -- Author index.